The Travel Records of Chinese Pilgrims Faxian, Xuanzang, and Yijing

SOURCES FOR CROSS-CULTURAL ENCOUNTERS BETWEEN ANCIENT CHINA AND ANCIENT INDIA By Tansen Sen

I normally do redirect you to other material just for the heck of it. So I give you an abstract from the above 10-page work by Professor Tansen Sen. It has rich maps that I am sure you will love. So click, read and ensoy.

The spread of Buddhist doctrines from India to China beginning sometime in the first century CE triggered a profusion of cross-cultural exchanges that had a profound impact on Asian and world history. The travels of Buddhist monks and pilgrims and the simultaneous circulation of religious texts and relics not only stimulated interactions between the Indian kingdoms and various regions of China, but also influenced people living in Central and Southeast Asia.  Indeed, the transmission of Buddhist doctrines from India to China was a complex process that involved multiple societies and a diverse group of people,  including missionaries, itinerant traders, artisans, and medical professionals.

Chinese pilgrims played a key role in the exchanges between ancient India and ancientChina.They introduced new texts and doctrines to the Chinese  clergy, carried Buddhist paraphernalia for the performance of rituals and ceremonies, and provided detailed accounts of their spiritual journeys to India. Records of Indian society and its virtuous rulers, accounts of the flourishing monastic institutions, and stories about the magical and miraculous prowess  of the Buddha and his disciples often accompanied the descriptions of the pilgrimage sites in their travel records. In fact, these travel records contributed to the development of a unique perception of India among members of the Chinese clergy. For some, India was a sacred, even Utopian, realm. Others saw India as a mystical land inhabited by “civilized” and sophisticated people. In the context of Chinese discourse on foreign peoples, who were often described as uncivilized and barbaric, these accounts significantly elevated the Chinese perception of Indian society.

Faxian, Xuanzang, and Yijing were among hundreds of Chinese monks who made pilgrimages to India during the first millennium CE. The detailed accounts of their journeys make them more famous than others. These travel records are important historical resources for several reasons. First, they provide meticulous accounts of the nature of  Buddhist doctrines, rituals, and monastic institutions in South, Central, and Southeast Asia. Second, they     contain vital information about the social and political conditions in South Asia and kingdoms situated on the routes between China and India. Third, they offer remarkable insights into cross-cultural perceptions and interactions. Additionally, these accounts throw light on the arduous nature of long-distance travel, commercial exchanges, and the relationship between Buddhist pilgrims and itinerant merchants.

Nepal update (November 27, 2011)

1) Double Taxation Avoidance Agreement:

Nepal and India signed the Double Taxation Avoidance Agreement (DTAA) on Sunday replacing the old agreement which was in effect from 1987. The pact comes soon after the two countries signed the Bilateral Investment Promotion and Protection Agreement during Mr. Bhattarai’s visit to India last month. The DTAA was also to be signed during that trip, but the plan was postponed citing need for more preparations. These preparations were taken care of by Foreign Secretary Ranjan Mathai. The agreement was signed by Nepal's Finance Minister Barsha Man Pun and India's Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee in the presence of Prime Minister Baburam Bhattarai at the PM's official residence in Baluwatar.

"The revised DTAA will provide tax stability to the residents of India and Nepal and facilitate mutual economic cooperation as well as stimulate the flow of investment, technology and services between India and Nepal. In the revised DTAA the threshold withholding tax rates on dividends, interest, etc., are rationalised to reflect the present day situation and developments in the area of international taxation. India has 81 such DTAAs. In line with the best practices followed, we have incorporated in this DTAA also, the provisions for effective exchange of information, assistance in collection of taxes between tax authorities and the anti-abuse provisions to ensure that the benefits of the Agreement are availed of by the genuine residents and not misused by third country residents. In the area of exchange of information, the revised DTAA provides for internationally accepted standards including sharing of bank information and sharing of information without domestic tax interest. Further, the information received can be shared with other law enforcement agencies with the consent of the information supplying country," said Mukherjee in his Press release after signing the pact.

A DTAA enables Indian investors and traders to enjoy tax relaxation in India once they pay taxes in Nepal. Sujeev Shakya, head of BEED, a consultancy and financial advisories firm, told The Hindu, “This is positive and was required as India is our biggest business partner. It will pave way for greater investment, transparency, and allow both countries to avail of each other’s comparative advantages.” He explained that since tax rates were lower in Nepal, investors who had paid taxes in India would not have to do so in Nepal and those who paid taxes in Nepal would only have to pay the differential amount back in India. Nepal hopes that the two agreements together would encourage further Indian investment in Nepal, which in turn would lead to greater exports and help bridge the growing trade deficit with India. India accounts for more than 45 per cent of foreign direct investment in Nepal, while two-thirds of Nepal’s trade is with India.

Sources close to Mukherjee said he met top leaders (separately), including President Dr Ram Baran Yadav, UCPN (Maoist) Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal, Nepali Congress President Sushil Koirala, senior leader Sher Bahadur Deuba, general secretaries Prakash Man Singh and Krishna Sitaula, and CPN-UML Chairman Jhal Nath Khanal, KP Sharma Oli, Bidya Devi Bhandari and Bharat Mohan Adhikari.

2) Maoist reintegration process:

As of Saturday evening, out of the 13,065 combatants who participated in the regrouping process, 7,097 opted for integration and 5,966 voluntary retirement, while two opted for rehabilitation in the second division in Sindhuli. The November 1 seven-point agreement stipulates a maximum of 6,500 for integration. This will pose fresh problems in the integration process and could throw up a possibility of the Maoists pushing for renegotiation.

Maoist leader and member of the Special Committee Barsha Man Pun said that the clause in the seven-point deal stating that a maximum of 6,500 combatants would be integrated in the Army could be reviewed. “We will discuss the issue with other parties and find a political solution,” he said. “We can accommodate the excess personnel in Nepal Police or the Armed Police Force.” The opposition parties—Nepali Congress and CPN-UML—are strongly against any inflation or revision of the numbers.

While combatants are fast choosing integration, commanders loyal to the Maoist hardline faction led by Mohan Baidya are confident that the PLA would not be able to meet the 6,500 ceiling by the time a new directorate is in place. “The constraints on age and educational qualification and conditions set by the Army will bar many from serving in the Nepal Army,” Durga Prasad Chudhary, a Division Vice-commander of the Sixth Division at Dashratpur, Surkhet, said. “I think the final figures will go around 4,000 to 4,500,” he said, urging his party leaders not to give ‘false promises’ by ‘misinterpreting’ the seven-point agreement.

When asked about the absence of interest in rehabilitation, seventh division commander Parwana said: “Combatants want to either get integrated or take the money and lead an independent life as soon as possible. Rehab would involve spending a minimum of one year undergoing training, the costs of which are being cut from one's package. And then there is no job security.” Adding that while “India, America, UNDP and foreigners” were pushing rehabilitation instead of cash, Mr. Parwana said the packages were not attractive enough.

A combatant in the same camp in Kailali said sneeringly, “Who needs to learn how to make orange juice or rear goats?” Mr. Bhatt, the secretariat member, however had a different explanation. He said the problem began with the word, “rehabilitation”, since it connoted to combatants that they had to be somehow reformed and re-accommodated in society. “They say they are in society, with the masses.” Other secretariat members suggested the commanders had not briefed the combatants properly, and they had misunderstood the concept.

A poor track record and successive failures of both the government and the international community to implement rehab packages in the past is also seen as a deterrent. The process of providing rehabilitation to the “disqualified” combatants who were discharged in early 2010 is widely perceived as “messy and flawed”. Maoist sixth divisional commander Prajwal said: “There is no faith in the government's ability to actually provide rehabilitation. To get a small thing done, you need so many connections. No one wants to get stuck.”

3) Water sharing talks:

India and Nepal are to hold bilateral talks on shared water programmes, including the progress on the 6,000-MW multi-purpose Pancheshwar hydro-power project on the Mahakali river near the border. The Joint Committee of Secretaries will meet on November 24 and 25, Union Water Resources Minister Pawan Kumar Bansal said here after inaugurating the Ministry's pavilion at the India International Trade Fair. A giant model of the Pancheshwar project, the Rupaligad dam, the Tanakpur and Banbasa barrage under the India-Nepal Mahakali agreement, greets visitors to the pavilion. The model shows the entire flow of the river and the projects conceived on it. The ‘live model' was switched on by the Minister. The project is being jointly developed by India and Nepal at an estimated cost of Rs. 30,000 crore. “The Secretary-level talks will be followed by Ministerial discussions at a mutually set date,” Mr. Bansal said.

4) Rubeena Mahato writes:

Monday, 21 November, marks the fifth anniversary of the signing of the UN-brokered Comprehensive Peace Accord (CPA) that formally ended ten years of conflict between the Maoists and the state. It ended the war, but didn’t bring peace. The Maoists lowered their guns, but didn’t abandon them. They joined mainstream politics, but didn’t abjure violence.

Few remember the sense of jubilation that swept the nation as Pushpa Kamal Dahal and Girija Prasad Koirala signed the document in the presence of senior leaders and the UN brass. The ceremony was held inside the BICC, that later served as the Constituent Assembly.

As I write this, the amnesty case of Balkrishna Dhungel is raging like wildfire, jolting Baburam Bhattarai’s seat of power. There have been five prime ministers in the last five years, all of whom have failed to deliver. There may now be a sixth. Impunity is rife, and the rot starts at the top. Power cuts and fuel shortage have worsened. Farmers are having to take to the streets to demand fertilisers. The middle class is struggling to keep up with inflation.

Never mind the disillusionment this has created in the general public, like a bad dream, the ex-guerillas who had fought for change are now engaged in an intense struggle for the hearts and minds of their own radicalised cadre base.

In the past five years, there have been 4-point, 5-point, 7-point agreements. Promises no one intended to keep, agreements not worth the paper they were written on. Everyone played for time until they ran out of time. All they were interested in was to lengthen their time in office so they could amass wealth from kickbacks and payoffs. Most people were past caring, they raised their heads when Baburam Bhattarai became prime minister with slender hope that he would be different. But they have been tragically disappointed again.

Four years ago, just before the CA elections, I was travelling across Rolpa, the district that was the cradle of the Maoist revolution. Everywhere in Rolpa, hopes ran high. Infrastructure projects that had been stuck for more than a decade were being revived. In Thawang, ex-guerillas were building a micro-hydro power plant. A huge festival was being organised in Jaljala, a historically significant place for the Maoists, to promote tourism in the region.

Finally it seemed like Rolpa would rise. After all, the very leaders who had taken shelter in homes that were destroyed in bombings from helicopters had risen to power in Kathmandu. Thawangis were sure that their time had come. I can never bring myself to accept violence as a political tool, but could understand the anger of women who had lost all their male relatives to war, were raped and battered and were raising babies of the enemy. But even they lit up with hope talking about the future. They were glad the war was over.

The dream has shattered. The Maoists turned out to be like everyone else. After getting to power in Kathmandu, they forgot about Thawang and Jaljala. Parts of Thawang are still in ruins.

The promises of leaders to make Thawang a model commune commemorating the civil war fails to elicit any response from the villagers anymore. And there are other promises which have remained unfulfilled. The families of the disappeared are still seeking closure, thousands of internally displaced people are waiting to go back home. They have waited for five years without result and have now given up on the government.

This is the silence that is mistaken for peace today. This year, too, there will be the usual rituals marking the CPA anniversary. Leaders will wax eloquent on the historic agreement and its significance. The people will not be listening because they have heard it all before.

Why not do some damage control by paying a fitting tribute to the CPA, by immediately setting up the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, or by forming the Commission on the Disappeared? This is what will finally determine the direction of the peace process, how the grievances and discontent of the conflict affecting people are managed. In their squabble for power, leaders have forgotten what they had actually come together for five years ago. What a waste.

5) Interview with Balkrishna Dhungel (mentioned in the above report) in Naya Patrika, 16 November

Nayapatrika: What do you have to say about the presidential pardon for you which has become an issue of national politics?

Balkrishna Dhugel: The issue has been overblown. This is an attempt to criminalise the insurgency and the Maoists.

What do you think is the intention behind this? Those who had fixed a reward on our heads still want to finish us off. They have been trying to find a way to criminalise the Maoist movement and people’’s movement.

Where were you at the time of incident? What had actually happened? It was purely political, not personal at all. We found him spying on us and he was eliminated.

What proof do you have that he was a spy? The government categorised the conflict affected areas and recruited influential people in the regions to carry out the mission in 1996. Ujjan Shrestha used to live in Kathmandu. He was sent to village as advised by Bal Bahadur Rai and Gopal Rai to spy on us. He went back to village the following year. The government launched a bloody operation in Likhu areas in which families of the Maoists and Jana Morcha were killed and displaced. He played major
role in this. The police arrested 47 people including me, Puskar Gautam, Shambhu Gautam, Madhav Dhungel, Prem Prasad Dhungel among others. We were released on bail when Bamdev Gautam was the home minister.

What did you do to Ujjan after that? He was still working as an agent. We warned him, asked his relatives to convince him, party formally approached his family but he continued. Then, the party concluded that he should be eliminated.

Which level of the party had decided? If we have to eliminate someone during the insurgency, we had to take permission from the party command. No district or area command could take decision on elimination.

What was your position in the party then? We had demarcated areas from Tamakosi to Ramechhap including some VDCs of Okhaldhunga, Khotang, Solukhumbu and Bhojpur as our eastern base. Biswa was in-charge of the area and I was next to him.

How did the case reach the court and how did you land up in jail? I was involved in politics since 1986 and went underground from 1996. The incident took place when I was underground. The government launched a massive operation in the region. The party had concluded that he was a plain clothed policeman. Locals were arrested, tortured and forced them to sign in a paper saying Balkrishna Dhungel and Puskar Gautam were involved in killing. I was arrested in 1999 and released in 2006.

What will you do if the president doesn’’t grant you a pardon? I am a responsible party member. Whatever party decides is my decision.

Know Your India: Forest Cover

Turn the other cheek diplomacy

The recently concluded 17th summit meeting of SAARC leaders at Addu city has come in for criticism on the "appeasement" policy followed by the Indian PM, Shri. Manmohan Singh. Specifically, one commentator states that: Linky 1

However, the Addu Declaration has failed to address India's concern on terrorism.
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Given the fact that India has been a victim of cross-border terrorism for more than three decades now, and by the admission of Pakistan's Interior Minister Rehman Malik that "incidents like 26/11 happen every day in Pakistan," the Addu Declaration has clubbed terrorism, transnational organised crimes, illegal trafficking in narcotics and psychotropic substances, illegal human trafficking, piracy and smuggling of small arms together, albeit briefly.

One certainly cannot be in an eternal state of aggressive diplomacy (aka) jingoistic fervor to make a point. Given the enormity of challenges in ensuring connectivity to the Northeast of India, and securing energy resources from Nepal and Bhutan in a grid that spans India and Bangladesh, it would have been suicidal to score an own goal of further persisting with an India-Pakistan equal-equal. India needs to handle Pakistan and vice versa, but these are bilateral issues that need not stalemate a multilateral initiative such as SAARC. In fact, given the Indian reluctance to make J&K, crossborder terrorism as de jure multilateral initiatives, it has been a big surprise that a forum such as SAARC has been hijacked by the India-Pakistan status quo. Divorcing Indian problems with cross-border terror emanating from Pakistan in a multilateral setting that allows the leeway to speak broadly and widely and cutting across many boundaries can at best be termed "Turn the other cheek" diplomacy, at worst as sell-out. I would rather have it the former than the latter. At the very least, it behooves to understand the Prime Minister's logic before mounting noisy protestations at his supposed "sell-outs."

1) From his inaugural address at the summit: Linky 2
On cutting down the sensitive list:

I am happy to announce that, in a major trade liberalization effort, the Government of India has issued a notification to reduce the Sensitive List for the Least Developed Countries under the South Asian Free Trade Area Agreement from 480 tariff lines to 25 tariff lines. Zero basic customs duty access will be given for all items removed with immediate effect. I recognize that non-tariff barriers are an area of concern. India is committed to the idea of free and balanced growth of trade in South Asia. Competition begins at home. Our industries have to learn to compete if our economies are to have a future in this globalised world that we live in. We can all benefit from our respective comparative advantages. These include our hydropower and natural resource endowments, possibilities of earnings from transit, marine resources, our scientific and technological base and above all our young population which will drive consumption and investment in the years ahead.

On connectivity issues:

The theme of this year’s Summit is “Building Bridges”. This eloquently summarizes the imperative of greater regional integration, and is an objective to which India is fully committed. One such initiative taken last year was the launch of the South Asia Forum that has brought eminent South Asians from different walks of life together. In our Summit in Dhaka in 2005, I had suggested a reciprocal initiative to provide unrestricted access to airlines from SAARC States to our four metropolitan cities, and to 18 other destinations in India. Connectivity has partially improved since then. We must take this further. We should aim to conclude a regional Air Services Agreement, for which India would be happy to host a meeting of officials next year.

We have been talking of a Regional Railway Agreement and a Motor Vehicle Agreement for a long time. Let us agree to conclude these agreements as a matter of priority. India, Maldives and Sri Lanka are in the process of developing regional ferry services. We should replicate many more such connectivity arrangements in other parts of our sub-continent.

I commend the Postal Administrations of SAARC for agreeing to establish a South Asian Postal Union. India is happy to host the ad hoc Secretariat for the Union, and to sponsor training courses at our Postal Staff College to train upto ten SAARC officials per year, belonging to interested Member States. We should follow up this agreement by improving our telecommunication linkages to reduce call rates and telecommunication tariffs and interconnection termination charges. India will be ready to facilitate the development of a regional telecommunications infrastructure to improve the quality of connectivity. We should encourage greater broadcasting, television and film exchanges among our countries. It is time that we overcome the information deficit among the SAARC countries. We should encourage our people to know more about each other.

In this spirit, I wish to announce the following initiatives that India will take.

We will host a conclave of the top dozen tour operators from the SAARC region to boost tourism exchanges. We will take the initiative to establish a travelling exhibition on the ancient history of South Asia. This could comprise of a hundred archeologically-significant pieces per country to be selected by member States. The exhibition can be hosted in each of our national museums in turn for three months. Post-graduate courses in the South Asian University have started in July 2010. India will increase the number of SAARC Silver Jubilee Scholarships for the South Asian University from 50 to 100. 75 of these will be at the Masters level and 25 at the doctoral level.

On environmental matters:

Protecting our environment even as we pursue rapid growth is essential. The India Endowment for Climate Change which I had announced last year has been established. We look forward to receiving project proposals from our SAARC partners. We will provide a total of ten scholarships per year to SAARC Member States for post-graduate and doctoral studies in forestry courses at the Forestry Research Institute of India, Dehradun.

2) As a consequence of the push: Linky 3

In his address during the inauguration of the summit on Thursday, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh had called for full implementation of his six-year-old proposal for unrestricted access to airlines from SAARC states. He had also suggested giving priority to a Regional Railway Agreement and a Motor Vehicle Agreement. The declaration made no mention of an air services agreement but met Dr. Singh's desire for SAARC-wide ferry and rail services. In the absence of seamless air, rail and sea connections among SAARC member-countries due to traditional animosities, unsettled conditions and apprehension about the other country's designs, the common man travelling between some SAARC countries is forced to take circuitous routes. In this respect, the eight leaders at the summit decided to finalise a Regional Railways Agreement and complete the preparatory work on an Indian Ocean Cargo and Passenger Ferry Service by the end of this year.

3) From the Addu declaration, some points that need highlighting: Linky 4

7. To direct the conclusion of the Inter-governmental Framework Agreement for Energy Cooperation and the Study on the Regional Power Exchange Concept as also the work related to SAARC Market for Electricity.
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11. To initiate work towards combating maritime piracy in the region.
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19. To undertake a comprehensive review of all matters relating to SAARC’s engagement with Observers, including the question of dialogue partnership, before the next Session of the Council of Ministers in 2012.

4) More on the observer issue: Linky

India today persuaded other Saarc member-countries to undertake a comprehensive review of the association’s guidelines for granting observer status to other nations.
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A three-year moratorium on admitting new observers ended this year. New Delhi believes the existing nine observers is one too many for the eight-member Saarc. The observers are the US, Australia, China, Iran, Japan, South Korea, Mauritius, Myanmar and the European Union. India’s concerns stem from member-countries, particularly Pakistan, pushing for China to become a more involved partner. New Delhi does not want Saarc to become Beijing’s playground. It also has reservations about Pakistan support for Turkey’s bid to become an observer.

5) Four agreements were signed at Addu city:

a) SAARC Agreement on Rapid Response to Natural Disasters
b) SAARC Agreement on Multilateral Arrangement on Recognition of Conformity Assessment
c) SAARC Agreement on Implementation of Regional Standards
d) SAARC Seed Bank Agreement

As I point out elsewhere, the primacy of an Indian-centred electricity grid that is shared with Bangladesh and Sri Lanka and that is supplied by the massive hydro potential of Bhutan, Nepal and surplus power states of the Indian Northeast such as Arunachal Pradesh can go a long way to address the burgeoning demand for electricity in India and its neighborhood. Nuclear power can only go so far, and there is a need to diversify the sources of cheap and sustainable power. That does not make renewable power an alternative model for electricity generation discourse in India. Nor does it condone the criminality of transmission, distribution and pilferage losses.

ULFA anti-talks and pro-talks faction

Prior to the peace process
109th battalion in Garo Hills and Goalpara
709th battalion in Lower Assam
27th battalion in Karbi Anglong
28th battalion in Myanmar

Anti-talks faction
Political wing -- disbanded

Military wing:
Commander - Paresh Borua
Deputy Commander - Jibon Moran (in-charge of ULFA's base in Burma) -- replaces Raju Baruah
Army Commander - Bijoy "Chinese" Das (commander of ULFA's 28th battalion)
Deputy Army Commander - Nayan Medhi (commander of ULFA's 27th battalion)
Foreign Secretary - Pranmoy Asom -- replaces Sasadhar Choudhury
Finance Secretary - Drishti Rajkhowa (commandant of ULFA's 109th battalion) -- replaces Chitrabon Hazarika
Central Publicity Secretary - Arunadoy Dohotiya -- replaces Mithinga Daimary
Cultural Secretary - Partha Gogoi -- replaces Pranati Deka
Organizational Secretary - Michale Dekaphukan -- new post

Restructured battalions and police estimates of strength:
1st battalion in Bangladesh (Lakhimi -- the homely lady) -- about a dozen members
2nd battalion in Myanmar (Rongili -- the cheerful lady) -- 100 to 120 members
3rd battalion in Majuli at Assam (Kopili -- the speedy river) -- 27th battalion -- 15 to 17 members, earlier located in Bhutan but ceased to exist after the 2003 Operation All Clear, Karbi Peoples Liberation Tiger (KPLT) has chased away cadres of Baruah's 27th battalion from Karbi Anglong, headed by Nayan Medhi

Pro-talks faction
Goes by the name "Central and Naba Niraman Kendra Steering Committee", has 35 members
1) Raju Baruah
2) Chitrabon Hazarika -- assistant general secretary in charge of finance
3) Gulit Das
4) Haren Phukan
5) Phanindra Medhi alias Lebu -- chief office secretary and secretary to Rajkhowa
6) Mrinal Hazarika -- from the 28th battalion
7) Jiten Dutta -- from the 28th battalion
8) Prabal Neog -- former commandant of the 28th battalion
9) Hira Sarania -- commandant of 709th battalion
10) Pallab Saikia -- central coordinator, former commandant of 27th battalion

Nepal peace accord and Northeast updates (November 1, 2011)

1) Nepal peace accord: Linky

Breaking a political deadlock that has lasted more than three years, Nepal's political parties arrived at a historic agreement on the peace process, Constitution writing and power-sharing late on Tuesday evening. The Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), the Nepali Congress (NC), the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist Leninist), and the Madhesi parties settled the future of 19,602 Maoist combatants, agreeing to integrate a maximum of 6,500 fighters into the Nepal Army (NA) and provide rehabilitation and cash packages to the rest.
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According to the deal, the former combatants would be integrated in a newly-created special directorate under the Nepal Army, which will also include NA soldiers and personnel from other security forces. The directorate will be responsible for development works, industrial security, forest security, and disaster relief. Combatants will be integrated on an individual basis, and will have to meet the norms of the security force. But there will be flexibility on age, marital status, and educational qualification. To determine ranks, the norms of the security organs will be taken into account. There will be bridging and educational courses for the combatants.
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A Truth and Reconciliation Commission, Disappearances Commission, a high-level political mechanism to oversee the peace and Constitution process, and an experts' team to address state restructuring issues would also be constituted. The parties have also agreed to complete the process of regrouping of combatants by November 23, and prepare the first draft of the Constitution by November 30. While not in the agreement, sources said a power-sharing arrangement had also been worked out, whereby the NC will lead the government which will hold elections after Constitution promulgation.

More on this: Linky

UCPN (Maoist) Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal, Nepali Congress President Sushil Koirala, CPN-UML Chairman Jhala Nath Khanal and Samyukta Loktantrik Madhesi Morcha leader Bijay Kumar Gachhadar signed the time-bound agreement that commits these political forces for a national consensus on completing the peace and constitution making process resolving the contentious issues in the integration of Maoist combatants.
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The deal commits to integrate maximum 6,500 Maoists combatant in the Nepal Army, offers package worth between Rs. 600,000 to Rs. 900,000 for combatants opting rehabilitation and cash package between Rs. 500,000 to Rs. 800,000 for combatants choosing the voluntary retirement option. According to the deal, the regrouping of combatants along with the return of the properties seized during the conflict to rightful owners and dismantling of the paramilitary structure of the Young Communist League will be completed within November 23. The agreement provides a way forward for addressing the fate of over 19,000 former Maoist combatants living in the seven main and 21 satellite cantonments since 2006. The international community including the United Nations had been putting pressure the Nepali actors to reach an agreement to address the future of former combatants.
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The issue of rank determination will be resolved on the basis of existing standards of the security forces by the prime minister-led Special Committee. The date of combatants' enrolment in the Maoist Army recorded by UNMIN, the provision of allocation of rank in the security forces would be kept in mind so as not to adversely affect the career prospect of regular recruits of the existing security agencies.
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In the agreement signed on Tuesday, leaders have committed to form a high level mechanism to conduct discussions for concluding the peace and constitution making process. They have agreed to immediately form an expert panel from the CA instead of a commission to seek recommendation on the restructuring of the state. They have pledged to proceed ahead in preparation of the first draft of the constitution within a month. The efforts to form national unity government once the peace and constitution making process gains momentum in accordance to agreement signed on Tuesday. Leaders involved in negotiations have said there is no possibility of change in government leadership before the November 30 deadline of the CA. There is a tacit understanding between the Nepali Congress that a Maoist led government will continue until the promulgation of new constitution and NC will lead the next government that will ovesee the general elections as per the new constitution, according to Maoist and NC leaders involved in cross-party talks.

Meanwhile, Linky

The hardliner faction of the UCPN (Maoist) led by Vice Chairman Mohan Baidya has objected to the historic seven-point deal signed by the major political parties and Madhesi Morcha on Tuesday evening to conclude the peace process. During the three-party meeting at Prime Minister's official residence in Baluwatar, the Baidya faction opposed the content of the agreement. Maoist Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal tried to convince the Baidya group for more than two hours in Baluwatar, but the hardliners refused to own up the agreement, delaying the signing ceremony.
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The rift inside the Maoists party began primarily after the Central Committee (CC) on July 22 decided to follow the path of peace and constitution on which hardliner faction registered note of dissent. The sixth extended plenum of Maoists held in Gorkha last year had passed the line of peace and revolt at the same time, latter Dahal changed the party's political course to peace and constitution. After the Maoist decided to adopt the line of peace and constitution, Dahal and PM Bhattarai stood together and the hardliner faction began to feel increasingly isolated inside the party.

After that the hardliner faction wrote series of note of dissent on party's numerous decisions, and Dahal and Bhattarai continued to push through on peace and constitution on the basis of the majority they hold inside the party. The intra-party rift became even pricklier after the party decided to handover the keys of arms container immediately after the formation of government under Maoist's leadership.The hardliner faction was pressing Dahal and Bhattarai not to take any decision before the CC meet which begins from November 3. Leaders from the Dahal camp said Dahal took a huge risk in party's history to forge an agreement on peace despite the objection from the hardliners. Leaders say if Dahal fails to manage the rift it might cause split in the party. Dahal had taken similar risk inside the party by signing Comprehensive Peace Agreement in 2006.

My comments:
a) The maoist integration issue has been one of the biggest sticking points in the whole imbroglio. Now that a 6,500 number has been arrived at, and the integrated combatants' responsibility is not to include internal security, the Nepal Army should breathe easy on this sticking point and let the whole thing slide through.
b) This is one of the biggest face-savers that the maoists should consider as manipulated out of their People's War. It would be detrimental to the maoists' to keep pushing the envelope past this stage. But knowing the devil, it would not be entirely surprising to see such a move. Yet, the presence of Dr. Bhattarai calms one's nerves for the time-being.
c) Much of the stalemate must have been broken following the recent visit of the PM, Dr. Baburam Bhattarai to India. The Indian footprint in the whole peace and reconciliation process was more and more overt following the rise of Dr. Bhattarai as a consensus candidate for PMship. So there you go: India 1, China 0 in a continuation of Linky
d) Another exhibit in this direction is the importance placed to Shri. Bijay Kumar Gachhedar in the agreement. Overnight, the Nepali triangle has become a quadrilateral with the Madhesis becoming a full force in the political spectrum by this very act. Their de facto joining the big players league was not in question given the makeup of the coalition that led to the "coronation" of Dr. Baburam Bhattarai.
e) It is no secret that the Indian think-tank has been in favor of the Madhesis given the cross-border connections between the Madhesis in Nepal and the people of Bihar/UP. Ideally, the next best thing would be to let Shri. Nitish Kumar make the inevitable cross-border visit and forge many development projects with benefits to both sides of the divide.
f) In terms of the internal dynamics of the maoist party, the vocal anti-Indian faction of Mohan Baidya Kiran seems to have been sidelined. Their opposition to BIPPA and this deal is just pure theatrics given that Nepal has signed BIPPA with many other countries before it signed with India. It is in India's interest to forge a dominant grouping inside the maoist plank led by Dr. Bhattarai with Prachanda inside the house as a big player. This will keep the vocal anti-Indian faction out of the camp and with complete freedom to release their bodily fluids into the wind. It should not be entirely surprising to see the maoists split vertically along the Prachanda-Bhattarai axis with the Kiran grouping forming a splinterist "true" maoist faction. This is only natural for a People's War-driven movement. There is a big segment of the Nepalese population from which this camp can derive sympathy over its natural course.
g) There will be further splits into uncontrollable factions over the next few years, but with the main hardliners inside the camp, and with BIPPA signed, India and Nepal can forge ahead in their common paths of lifting the teeming millions out of poverty and desperation.
h) So make that India 1, China 0 effectively an India 1, China -1. However, it is important to note that only the foolish will persist on certainties at this stage!

2) On Nepal-Bhutan relations, Refugee problem in Bhutan: Linky

Two small bombs exploded in a Bhutanese border town just three days ahead of the royal wedding on Oct 13. Responsibility for the blasts was claimed by the United Revolutionary Front of Bhutan (URFB), an insurgent group based in Nepal, which said it had timed the explosions to draw attention to the “gross national sufferings of the Bhutanese people”. This incident highlights laidback Bhutan’s startlingly hardline approach to preserving its traditional culture and identity. This pillar of its Gross National Happiness (GNH) index, has not been helpful in lending happiness to some segments of its population. Bhutan’s bid to preserve its unique identity is rooted in its Buddhist beliefs, but it has to resolve the problem of thousands of Hindu Bhutanese Nepalis languishing in refugee camps and the small but growing Christian population who seek recognition of their religion and to be allowed to build churches.

The biggest blot on Bhutan’s history is its attempt to deal with the Nepali people within its borders. The Nepali claim brutality. The Bhutan government says they are illegal immigrants. People of Nepali descent have been settling in southern Bhutan in the late 1800s and early 1900s, as Bhutan has a porous border with hardly any immigration control. By the 1950s the number of Nepali immigrants swelled to such an extent that a Citizenship Act was passed in 1958 to stem the flow. Those who could show proof that they have lived in Bhutan at least 10 years prior to 1958 could stay but those who could not were deemed illegal immigrants. In 1988, the government conducted its first real census exercise and decided to force out the “illegal” immigrants, perceiving a threat to the country’s cultural identity. But poorly trained census officials who were sometimes arbitrary in their classification of who were non-nationals triggered a great deal of tension. About the same time, the government also started enforcing the Bhutanese traditional dress and language code.

These measures combined to alienate even the genuine citizens of Nepali descent. Militancy grew in the south and and turned violent in September 1990 when protest marches were held in different districts. Schools were torched and local government officials stripped of their national attire. The army responded with mass arrests that triggered more protests and arrests that sent thousands of ethnic Nepalis fleeing the country between 1990 and 1992. They settled in seven UNHCR refugee camps in South-Eastern Nepal. Meanwhile, many poor, border-dwelling Nepalis claimed to be refugees in order to receive aid, and within a year, the camps’ population grew to more than 100,000, according to UNHCR. The United States, Australia, Canada, Norway, the Netherlands and Denmark offered to resettle the refugees and by the end of 2010, 40,000 of the refugees were resettled and more are slated to be resettled in the coming years. It is often these resettled Bhutanese of Nepali descent who work hard to ensure their plight is not forgotten abroad. For them, and for some of the ethnic Nepalis still in Bhutan (about 150,000), Bhutan’s promotion of Buddhist culture has been a source of distress. This festering refugee problem looks set to haunt Bhutan in the international arena for years to come.

Another brewing problem is among the Christians, estimated to be between 6,000 and 15,000, who would like to see their religion recognised. They are not allowed to build churches or proselytise. Several stories have appeared in Bhutan’s newspapers claiming that converts were being paid money by Christians from Western countries, which Christian leaders in the country vehemently deny. But the government is deeply suspicious of Christian evangelism and under proposed Section 463 of the Penal Code that carries a jail term, “a defendant shall be guilty of the offence of proselytisation if the defendant uses coercion or other forms of inducement to cause the conversion of a person from one religion or faith to another,” according to the government-run Kuensel newspaper.

Prime Minister Jigmi Yoser Thinley told Compass the proposed clause in the penal code was “essentially… to deter conversion,” saying there was no reason why Christians should seek to induce others to join their faith. “There are a few Christians and followers of other faiths as well (in Bhutan), and there is no difficulty with that,” Thinley said. “That is good… we promote diversity of cultures. But then, when there are those who try to convert others without understanding the values, the principles, and the essence of the other religion, we have here what constitutes the worst form of discrimination.” While the constitution recognises a citizen’s freedom to religion, only Buddhist and Hindu organisations have been registered by the Chhoedey Lhentshog – the country’s authority which regulates religious organisations.

About 75% of Bhutan’s population is Buddhist, and Hindus, mainly ethnic Nepali, account for around 22%. Bhutan’s Minister for Home and Culture Minjur Dorji told Compass that the passing and implementation of the penal code amendment “may take some more time, due to procedures involved.” Asked if the law could be misused to make false allegations and thereby create religious disharmony, as in Indian states with similar anti-conversion legislation, Dorji said he would not allow that to happen. The Christians remain hopeful that the country’s leaders will move beyond the distrust of their religion and discussions are going on.

It should also be noted that Nepal too followed the Bhutanese role and enforced a "national dress," but that is a tale for a different day.
3) GNLA ban view: Linky

“Recently, the Centre sought comments from the state government on whether it (GNLA) should be declared a banned outfit,” a senior government official told reporters here today.

The official said the comments would be sent “as early as possible”. However, the state has not been in favour of recommending that the GNLA be declared a proscribed outfit, but it would do all it can to wipe out the group. Personnel belonging to the elite Combat Battalion for Resolute Action (CoBRA) and the BSF, apart from the state Special Weapons And Tactics (SWAT) commandos, are currently engaged in flushing out GNLA cadres from Garo hills.

4) Interview with Bertil Lintner: Linky

Q: Do you think the recent peace initiatives taken by New Delhi with several militant groups in the north-east are sufficient to solve the insurgency problem in the trouble-torn region?

A: It's definitely a good step taken by New Delhi. The expulsion of ULFA leaders from Bangladesh, and the subsequent arrests of Anthony Shimray, the NSCN-IM's main arms procurer, and United National Liberation Front chairman Sana Yaima indicate that India is determined to wipe out insurgency movements in the north-east once and for all to clear the area for trade with Myanmar. But the ethnic problems in the north-eastern India are not going to disappear even if the militants are neutralised; there are genuine grievances that has to be addressed as well. Many people in the region feel neglected and marginalised. Development has to reach those areas, and their ethnic identities have to be respected. Frankly speaking, many of them feel that they are not Indians.

5) Manipur People's Party -- Nexus between politicians and terror: Linky

Manipur Peoples Party vice-president Y. Mangi Singh and four others, arrested for alleged involvement in illegal arms, were today remanded in police custody till November 8. Police said a team of commandos arrested Y. Biju, 33, after recovering two pistols and six live rounds of ammunition from him at his Khagempali locality yesterday morning during a frisking operation which was conducted following information that weapons were going to change hands in the area. Biju, the younger brother of an alleged cadre of the militant Peoples Revolutionary Party of Kangleipak, told interrogators that four persons were coming to collect the weapons from him.
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The police are also investigating whether the weapons were meant for use during campaigning for Assembly elections, which are expected to be held in February 2012. The MPP, a major Opposition party in the state, is silent on the development. Mangi Singh is a prominent person in Imphal East. He contested the last Assembly elections from Heingang constituency of Imphal East and his name has been doing the rounds for candidature this time as well.

6) Talks with UPDS: Linky

An hourlong meeting in Delhi between representatives of the Union home ministry and the United People’s Democratic Solidarity resolved all the hurdles in signing the proposed accord between the government and the Karbi militant outfit. A jubilant UPDS leadership said the conclave removed all the blocks and the pact would be signed within the next 10 days according to the time and date scheduled by the government. “We are happy with the decisions taken in today’s meeting,” said UPDS general secretary Saiding-Eh.
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“The changes are very minor and these are not related to the context of the accord. There are four or five such points which the state government wants to change. We had some objection in case of one or two — even the home ministry had some objections to one or two clauses — anyway, all these have been resolved in the discussions and in a friendly atmosphere all the recently emerged points have been brought to a meaningful solution,” said UPDS joint secretary Tong-Eh-Nongloda after the meeting. Nongloda, however, did not explain the minor changes.
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The proposed accord for a Karbi Anglong territorial autonomous council was scheduled to be signed last September, but the date was postponed to October 24. On October 21, the UPDS announced that it would not sign the accord if the government climbed down from the decision of forming a neutral interim administrator. The term of the Congress-led existing Karbi Anglong autonomous council ends in December, prompting the party to pressure Assam chief minister Tarun Gogoi into postponing the date of signing the accord to November.

7) In a continuation from Linky, Nabam Tuki sworn in as Arunachal Chief Minister: Linky

Mr. Tuki, the first Chief Minister from the Nyishi community, told reporters that his priority was to maintain communal harmony among all tribes for development of the land-locked State. Mr. Tuki was chosen as Mr. Gamlin’s successor by the Congress high command after the latter stepped down.