Northeast update (December 12, 2011)

1) GNLA and Champion Sangma: Linky

Champion R Sangma, a top leader of Indian separatist Garo National Liberation Army (GNLA), has been arrested in Bangladesh, an Indian newspaper reported yesterday. The Hindustan Times quoted a Meghalaya top police officer as saying, "We are confirmed by the central intelligence agencies that Champion has been arrested from Mymensingh district (Bangladesh) by Rab commandos." The rebel leader would be handed over to India soon, said the officer, asking not to be named. Rapid Action Battalion (Rab), however, denied the arrest. “We did not make the arrest of Indian separatist named Champion R Sangma from Mymensingh,” Rab intelligence wing chief Lt Col Ziaul Ahsan told The Daily Star yesterday.

Here is this tidbit of information: linky

Intelligence officials here said that Champion was arrested yesterday night from a house of a tribal Bangladesh politician in Mymensingh district by the RAB commandos. In fact, in July this year, there were reports that Bangladesh authorities had launched a massive manhunt to nab him.

Conrad Sangma say-eth: Linky

Meanwhile, Sangma cautioned the government of being too enthusiastic about Champion’s arrest if at all it was true. “He (Champion) was always away from Garo Hills, according to intelligence reports. Most of the other cadres worked without his guidance, so his arrests would not make so much of an impact on the GNLA,” he added.

Sentinel adds: Linky

The C-in-C of the GNLA Sohan D Shira is learnt to have lost contact with Champion Sangma in the past 24 hours.

Here is some more drama: Linky

“Money has been sought for the release of the chief of GNLA, Champion R Sangma, who is believed to be in detention in Bangladesh”, a police source today claimed. This has been established in the course of the interrogation of GNLA aide Jackiush A Sangma, who was nabbed in an arms deal in the city recently and is now in police custody. Reportedly, on November 24, GNLA aide Jackiush A Sangma and an arms dealer from Dimapur, Nagaland Pungam Hangal along with four others landed in police net while trying to make an arms deal in Shillong. Cash amounting to Rs 11.49 lakh along with 400 live ammunitions were seized from their possession.

Police sources, on condition of anonymity, divulged that in the course of grilling Jakiush received a call on his cell phone from Bangladesh. Though he turned panicky in presence of the police interrogators, he was directed to take the call with the speaker phone. And they listened to the voice across the border which turned out to be that of the mistress of Champion, Simche from Rongara area, asking Jackiush to transfer money to Bangladesh immediately for Champion’s bail.

During the conversation Jackiush asked her about her whereabouts, but she just told him to transfer the money immediately and hung up. Jackuish has stated that Simche frequently visits Bangladesh and had returned a day before Champion’s arrest.

More mystery: Linky

Sources have informed that the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) is doing the paper work for extradition of Champion to India from Bangladesh. The entire process is expected to take about one week after the finalization of which, the Bangladesh is expected to hand over Champion to MHA. It may be recalled that Meghalaya Times has been the sole English daily to confirm arrest of Champion in Bangladesh. Later, even the GNLA C-in-C Sohan D Shira confirmed his arrest.

Remarkable if the following is true: Linky and repeated here Linky

Obsession with social networking can be a giveaway, more so if you are the chief of a rebel outfit. Facebook addiction is believed to have done former police officer turned rebel leader Champion Sangma in. Chairman of the Meghalaya-based Garo National Liberation Army (GNLA), Sangma is reportedly in Mymensingh Central Jail in Bangladesh, where he was arrested on November 24. There is no official confirmation of his incarceration. According to intelligence officials in Meghalaya, Sangma was almost always logged on to Facebook, updating his profile, writing on walls or tagging people. He had also posted his pictures, besides those of his cadre, from undisclosed locations.

“He was using the social networking site to upload everything, and it was a matter of time before his URL was found indicating the area from where he was operating,” a senior intelligence officer said. Indian officials subsequently tipped off their Bangladesh counterparts to help them zero in on Sangma, who formed the GNLA in 2009 after deserting the Meghalaya Police where he was a deputy superintendent. The intelligence officer said Sangma was produced in a court in Mymensingh town two days after his arrest and was sent to jail for being a ‘terrorist’. Sangma, surprisingly, did not try to conceal his identity as the GNLA chief. “The GNLA leader was apparently homesick and missed the people belonging to his (Garo) tribe. This could have led him to be in touch with friends through Facebook,” the officer said.

Odhikaar cites a July 7 report to say: Linky

Champion R Sangma, Chairman of Garo National Liberation Army, an organisation for self determination in Meghalaya in India, was arrested recently from Modhupur of Tangail district in Bangladesh. This was also reported in the media in Meghalaya and Assam. It was reported in some newspapers, including Garo Hills and Meghalaya News that the leader of the GNLA, Champion R Sangma has been detained in Bangladesh.

Here is some pontification: Linky

It may be mentioned here that in 2009 when ULFA Chairman Arabinda Rajkhowa had been arrested in Bangladesh and handed over to India, the Bangladeshi authorities then too had denied any information or arrest of ULFA Chief. Given the above fact, the denial of information on Champion is nothing surprising. However, this has given rise to two theories; one could be that Bangladesh will set him free once the demanded amount is paid. The second theory suggests that Champion’s case is being kept under tight veil due to his political connection, both in India and in Bangladesh.

We will know what BD gets in return from India for this barter in case Champion Sangma is indeed in their catch. Its a big catch though. Meanwhile, Linky

All eyes have turned on self-styled commander-in-chief of the Garo National Liberation Army (GNLA), Sohan D. Shira, following the reported arrest of the outfit’s chairman, Champion Sangma, in Bangladesh. Police, too, have stepped up the hunt for the rebel leader to neutralise the GNLA once and for all. It was Shira and Sangma who got together to form GNLA towards the end of 2009. Sources said Shira was the brain behind many attacks on police personnel and civilians besides the outfit’s kidnapping and extortion.
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Prior to formation of the GNLA and after deserting the ANVC, Shira had planned to join another militant group — the Liberation of Achik Elite Force (LAEF) led by commander-in-chief Peter Marak, who was a former police commando. However, Marak was killed in an alleged fake encounter and subsequently, Sohan surrendered, before disappearing again and resurfacing as the GNLA commander- in-chief.

On and on the thinking process goes: Linky

The Centre is studying the pros and cons of banning the Garo National Liberation Army after the state government submitted a report to the Union home ministry in this regard. “We recently received the report from the Meghalaya government which suggests the need to ban the GNLA,” Shambhu Singh, joint secretary, ministry of home affairs, (Northeast) said over phone from Delhi. He said there was a process to be followed before declaring any organisation unlawful and ultimately it is upto the Union cabinet to decide. He added that the Centre would go by what the state government says. The official said the ban might only add to the outfit’s importance but he added that if the organisation’s activities continued to be violent, there was no other option than to ban the outfit.

ANVC-GNLA: Linky

The GNLA cadres are intimidating the ANVC members in Williamnagar on the order of their self-styled commander-in-chief Sohan D. Shira. The spokesman for the Achik National Volunteers Council, Torik Marak, alleged that Shira had issued orders to his GNLA men to attack the ANVC cadres at Williamnagar in East Garo Hills. “The ANVC cadres are also getting threat calls and if our cadres come under the attack from the GNLA, it will surely derail the peace process,” Marak said. The ANVC is under ceasefire since 2004 and its leaders wanted the government to take note of the frequent threats to the outfit’s cadres in Garo hills. The GNLA and the ANVC have been at loggerheads over supremacy in Garo hills.

Elsewhere, Linky

The Centre has asked the state government to firm up its mind on the demand of the Achik National Volunteers Council (ANVC), currently under ceasefire, to have a Garoland Autonomous Council (GAC) on the lines of the Bodoland Territorial Council. The recent signing of a settlement with the United Peoples Democratic Solidarity (UPDS) has also prompted the Centre to speed up finalising settlements with other militants groups in the Northeast. While ANVC spokesperson Torik Marak said as many as three reminders were sent to the state government by the Centre, a Union home ministry official said several reminders were sent to the Meghalaya government for its comments on the demand of the ANVC, which had entered into a tripartite agreement with both the Centre and the state in 2004.
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The ANVC, formed in 1995, had launched an armed struggle to achieve the creation of a homeland exclusively for the Garos within the framework of the Constitution. The concept of “Garoland” christened by the ANVC extends to geographical areas of Goalpara and Kamrup districts of Assam which are pre-dominantly inhabited by the Garos, besides the three districts of Garo hills and the areas which are contiguous to Garo hills in West Khasi Hills and Ri Bhoi districts of Meghalaya.
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A state government official said the delay on the part of the government in deciding on demand of the ANVC was because of the apprehension that there would be clash of powers between the existing GHADC and the proposed GAC. Meghalaya chief minister Mukul Sangma last month said the state government wanted clarity on certain issues as demanded by the ANVC before submitting its views to the Centre.

2) Along this direction, more on the UPDS ceasefire and disbanding: Linky

The United Peoples Democratic Solidarity (UPDS) will formally lay down arms on December 14 and will be disbanded the next day. These dates were finalised by Dispur today and conveyed to Kabri Anglong deputy commissioner Rakesh Kumar through a letter from Raj Bhavan. Kumar then invited the UPDS leaders to his house for a discussion. The arms-surrender ceremony will take place at 11am on Wednesday on the Karbi Anglong Sports Association ground at Diphu. Next day, the outfit will be disbanded in another ceremony at the same venue. The UPDS had signed a peace accord with the Centre on November 25, laying the foundation for a political overhaul in the hill district, including the creation of a more potent Karbi Anglong Autonomous Territorial Council and a comprehensive administrative reorganisation.

UPDS calls for polls by state commission Linky

Dispur and United People’s Democratic Solidarity (UPDS) are on a collision course with the latter demanding that the forthcoming election to the Karbi Anglong Autonomous Council be conducted by the State Election Commission, Assam, instead of the hill areas department. A joint delegation of the UPDS and the People’s Alliance for Peace Agreement — a conglomeration of several political parties and non-government organisations of Karbi Anglong district — called on Assam governor J.B. Patnaik today and submitted a memorandum stating their demands.

This is what the final wrangling was for: Linky

UPDS, a militant group from the Karbi Anglong district of Assam, has given up its demand of a separate state under Article 3 of Constitution or “state within the state of Assam under Article 244A because of the absence of a policy at the Centre”, a senior leader of the UPDS told this correspondent. The UPDS, however, has been able to extract more autonomy from Delhi and Dispur. This is balm for the UPA, disturbed as it is by the Telangana movement and other demands like that of Bodoland in Assam.

Following the settlement, the Karbi Anglong Autonomous Council (KAAC) will now be Karbi Anglong Autonomous Territorial Council (KAATC). The new council will have 44 elected and six nominated members and 62 departments with legislative, executive and direct financial powers, a UPDS leader said. The MoS will be signed by Home Ministry joint secretary Shambhu Singh in presence of UPDS chairman Longsodar Senar and general secretary Horensing Bey. There will be a 13-member political wing of the UPDS in addition to four members of its army in the Capital.

Despite absence of an understanding with the KLNLF, the UPDS has gone ahead with the interim accord. We are hoping that the reactions would be good, said a delegation member. The accord was finalised in 2009 and another discussion with the Centre took place on 23 December last year when the KLNLF was asked to accept the present conditions. The latter did not accept the negotiated settlement.

Meanwhile UPDS-KPLT nexus: Linky

A section of UPDS cadres was allegedly aiding Karbi People’s Liberation Tigers (KPLT) to carry out unlawful activities in Karbi Anglong district. Though the UPDS signed a peace accord with the Centre, security agencies claimed to have stumbled on evidence of a collusion between some UPDS cadres and the KPLT. “Though the UPDS is in ceasefire since 2002 and has also signed the peace accord on November 25, some of its cadres are colluding with the KPLT which is responsible for most of the recent violent attacks in Karbi Anglong,” an official source told The Telegraph today. He said interrogation of self-styled foreign secretary of KPLT Maniram Rongpi, who was a member of UPDS, had shed light on a secret understanding between a section of UPDS cadres and the Karbi outfit. The KPLT is a breakaway faction of the Karbi Longri National Liberation Front (KLNLF). It was formed on January 8, 2011 after the KLNLF entered into a ceasefire with the government last year.

3) The DHD(J) saga: Linky

The Nepal government has ordered an inquiry into how Niranjan Hojai, a militant leader of Assam, could acquire a citizenship certificate of the country. The commander-in-chief of the Dima Halam Daogah (Jewel) had procured a Nepali citizenship certificate from Sunsari district in the neighbouring country using fake name, Nirmal Rai, in 2007. An official source told The Telegraph that on the request of New Delhi, the Nepal government has asked the Central Investigation Bureau (CIB) of Nepal police to conduct an inquiry into how the citizenship certificate was procured. According to the source, the CIB has also been asked to investigate whether the certificate is genuine or forged. “If it is genuine, the CIB will investigate how a citizenship certificate was issued to an Indian citizen, who was also a most wanted fugitive, and will fix responsibilities on those who issued the document,” he said. “Even if it is forged, the investigating agency will try to find the source from where he got the fake certificate,” he added.

Both India and Nepal have taken this matter seriously since Hojai used this citizen certificate to get a Nepali passport in the name of Nirmal Rai in 2008 and travelled to countries like China, Singapore, Indonesia, Thailand, Malaysia and South Africa for procurement of arms. Based on that passport, the DHD-J leader was issued a Chinese visa with a validity of three months (December 8, 2008 to March 8, 2009). The investigators got the details of his foreign visits from the visa attachments on his passport.

Hojai, who had disguised himself as a businessman, was arrested by the National Investigation Agency from Nepal in July last year. The source said the CIB has also sought help from the banks in Nepal to trace the bank accounts linked to Hojai and his wife Sarita Giri Rai. Nepal police recently arrested Hojai’s wife Sarita, hailing from Sindhupalchowk district in Nepal, and seized $200,000 remitted to her account at New Baneshwor branch of Everest Bank from an account in a Citibank branch in Singapore, which allegedly belongs to Hojai. India has requested the Singapore government to investigate the Citibank account, which was allegedly used by Hojai for funding militant activities. Security agencies also claim that Hojai had also set up a private company in Singapore. The source said Hojai married Sarita — in her thirties — around two years ago, and the couple have a daughter. Nepal police had also charged Sarita with money laundering and terror financing. According to the source, Hojai had bought her a luxurious house at Jorpati in eastern Kathmandu and several high-end cars worth crores of rupees from illegally acquired proceeds and terror funds.

Meanwhile, Hojai detained for fracas, cuffs on aides Linky
4) Pro-talks ULFA faction: Linky

The pro-talks leader said although the group had a pre-condition of not taking part in the any anti-insurgency operations like Sulfa before declaring a ceasefire a few years back, it had to change its stand after the Paresh Barua-led group threatened to carry out attacks on them. The pro-talks leader said they had also provided information about the location of Ulfa camps in Myanmar and the general routes frequently used by the cadres to travel to these camps through Nagaland and Arunachal Pradesh. It has been a success story for the security forces engaged in counter-insurgency operations in Upper Assam in recent times with Ulfa failing to carry out any major strikes

5) Anti-infra groups and interests: Linky

Indigenous communities of Chandel district in Manipur and Sagaing division of Myanmar stood up for a common cause here today — to prevent formation of a reservoir the size of Delhi on the Chindwin river in Myanmar. The protest organised by Kuki tribals straddling the international border was small but the timing has caused consternation among strategists in Delhi. The protests come close on heels of the forced withdrawal of the Chinese from building a project in northern Myanmar — a loss of Rs 3 billion besides a loss of face for Beijing. The military government at Naypyitaw together with the government of India is building a hydroelectric dam near Tamanthi on the Chindwin in northwest Myanmar’s Sagaing division.

Slash dam heights: Expert panel - Decision at meeting in Delhi on Lohit hydroelectric projects Linky
Neighbors fight as Tuki allays Assam’s dam fears - Arunachal CM lists project benefits, refutes rumours about links with NSCN LInky
More neighbors fight as Khaleda plea over Tipaimukh project - BNP leader writes to Manmohan Singh Linky, however Delhi calms Dhaka on Tipaimukh Linky
Meghalaya rail connectivity hits influx wall Linky
6) UAPA and terrorist groups ban: Linky

The Centre is mulling withdrawal of the ban on two rebel outfits of Tripura — the All Tripura Tiger Force and National Liberation Front of Tripura (NLFT) — in view of the decline in insurgent activities in the state. The withdrawal of the ban on some other insurgent outfits of the Northeast is also being considered. Disclosing this, sources here said the Centre had recently constituted a tribunal headed by sitting Delhi High Court judge Bipin Sanghi to go into the issue and make suggestions. The tribunal had subsequently sent questionnaires to state governments and security agencies seeking their views on the issue, a source said. A state government official here said, “We have not yet decided on the matter but discussions are on. Very soon we are going to file our replies to the tribunal.”

7) India-BD border fencing: Linky

The Centre today agreed to a suggestion made by the Meghalaya government to undertake single-row fencing along the Zero Line in those areas along the Indo-Bangla border where people are objecting to the 150-yard buffer. The agreement was reached at a meeting held at the secretariat here between Union home ministry and state government officials. According to an official who attended the meeting, the fencing would be undertaken in those areas where people were not happy with the decision to set up the fence 150 yards inside Zero Line. The decision was also taken to ensure that no further land was lost along the border.

And Erosion threatens border fence, something that happens with remarkable regularity: Linky

Abdul Salam Akon, a young man of the same village, said the erosion cut off the mainland as Kaljani moved like a serpent, falling into Bangladesh. As a result, the villagers of Gour Jhapusabari had to come to travel through Bangladesh to reach India. “If measures are not taken to divert the Kaljani to its main channel, then the area adjacent to Bangladesh might one day be claimed by that country,” Akon said. Villagers said since 2006, more than 400 bighas of fertile land of this revenue village were eroded and nearly 600 villagers displaced, who took shelter in nearby villages like Ramraikuti, Satrasal and Kherbari.

Land-swap deal triggers paranoia - Peasants want to sell off farms Linky

Fenced out in 1987 and paranoid after the Indo-Bangladesh land-swap deal, a group of farmers near the Dhubri border wants the government to buy their land before it is handed over to the neighbouring country. The hand-over is not imminent, since the area is neither disputed, nor under adverse possession of Bangladesh, but residents of Biskhowa in Golokgunj — 134km from Boroibari, where 571 bighas are to be handed over to Bangladesh if the land-swap deal is ratified by both Parliaments — are wary.

After the fence cut off their farms in 1987, the farmers struggled to raise their crops, having to heed border gate timings. Produce dwindled, as did their profits, but they survived. Now, with the Indo-Bangla land-swap deal, they fear that someday another turn of events would snatch their land and sustenance and turn them into paupers.

Upgrading the border outposts: Linky

The BSF has started upgrading border outposts along the Indio-Bangla border converting the current makeshift bamboo and timber structures to concrete ones. In earlier phases of modernisation, the BSF had upgraded its arsenal to add more teeth to its anti-infiltration drive along the border.

8) HPC-D:

The 35-member team of Hmar People’s Convention (Democratic) headed jointly by David and Oliver Hmar today announced a unilateral ceasefire (in UB Photos picture above) in the “interest of peace”. David told reporters that the military wing of the outfit would cease all operations till the Centre and state government came forward for a political dialogue. A Dima Hasao police source said decision of the outfit to go for ceasefire was after constant pressure from security forces.

More on HPC-D: Linky

The Hmar People’s Convention (Democratic) announced early this week that its founder chairman Lalhmingthanga Sanate was removed from his post on September 29, for his overt proximity with a Kuki rebel outfit. Sanate lost his post following a feud in the group two months ago. But when Sanate, 47, was sacked, no reason was cited as to why the founder was ousted. The HPC (D) has announced in a press note that Sanate was removed as he signed a deed of agreement with a Kuki rebel group, the Kuki National Organisation, which apart from making inroads into Dima Hasao district, is also active in Mizoram and Manipur. Describing this agreement as an act of going against the group’s interests and aspirations, the press note declared that the HPC (D) leadership has ultimately termed it null and void.

9) Is Mizoram really calm? Linky

The most peaceful state in the Northeast, Mizoram, was allegedly used as a meeting point by Maoists and leaders of the Manipur-based militant outfit People’s Liberation Army (PLA). The National Investigation Agency (NIA), which is probing the PLA’s anti-national activities, discovered that a meeting was held between the outfit’s leaders and Maoists at Champhai in Mizoram on July 15, 2010. According to the agency, similar meetings between the outfit and Maoist leaders were also held in Calcutta, Guwahati and Rourkela.

An official source said the militants might have selected Mizoram because of its history of being a peaceful state for more than two decades. Insurgency in Mizoram had come to an end after the Mizoram Peace Accord was signed in 1986, and since then, the state has remained by and large peaceful. The NIA said a group of PLA leaders had also imparted arms training to Maoists at Saranda forest in Jharkhand from September 11 to November 20 last year. The PLA had allegedly trained Maoists in basic military tactics, guerrilla warfare, ambushing and wireless communication skills and a couple of more such training sessions were scheduled for next year. According to the investigating agency, the self-styled chief of PLA’s external affairs wing, N. Dilip Singh, who was arrested from Paharganj in Delhi on October 1, was one of the main trainers.

10) Continuing on the Jarbom Gamlin-Tako Dabi-Nabam Tuki spectacle: Linky

Arunachal Pradesh finally got its council of ministers this afternoon, 15 days after the newly-appointed chief minister Nabam Tuki succeeded Jarbom Gamlin. Tuki replaced Gamlin on November 1 after four months of sustained campaigning against the latter’s leadership and had camped in Delhi for over 12 days to get his 12-member team finalised.

The members of the Tuki cabinet, sworn-in by Arunachal governor Gen. (retd) J.J. Singh at the packed Raj Bhavan in Itanagar this afternoon, has four ministers from the Gamlin camp, an indication that the Congress high command just stopped short of giving the Tuki camp a free hand. They are Setong Sena, Pema Khandu, Atum Welly and Jarbom Gamlin’s brother Jarkar Gamlin, who makes his ministerial debut along with Kamlung Mossang and Tapang Taloh, the deputy speaker in the last government.

The high command has also ensured some sort of continuity as seven of the ministers — Welly, Sena, Khandu along with Chowna Mein, Tanga Byaling, Bosiram Siram and Tuki — had also featured in the Gamlin cabinet. Those who got the axe are Jarbom Gamlin, Kolikho Pul, Tako Dabi, Takar Marde — who was home minister — and Honchung Ngadang. They have been replaced by Rajesh Tacho, Mossang, Newlai Tingkhatra, Taloh — who belong to the Tuki camp — and Jarkar.

Congress insiders said though the high command did not go solely by the list submitted by Tuki, it was also not overbearing, as is evident from the reaction of the chief minister on the composition of his team. “We will work as Team Arunachal. The portfolios will be allocated very soon,” he told The Telegraph from Itanagar. The insiders also said Tuki had reservations over inclusion of Welly, who is a relative of Gamlin and was recently in the news over a controversy surrounding his son and daughter’s appointment as government employees. Arunachal Pradesh PCC general secretary T.C. Tok said it was a “good” team. “Everyone has to move together for all-round development of the state. All misunderstandings have been sorted out,” Tok said.

11) KLO: LInky

The Kuki Liberation Organisation, which operates in Dima Hasao district and has an armed wing, the Kuki Liberation Army, has declared a ceasefire. KLO president K. Thangkiew declared the unilateral ceasefire against police and security forces in Dima Hasao district in Haflong last night and said it was now up to Delhi and Dispur to accept it in “a full-fledged manner”.

Nepal peace accord and Northeast updates (November 1, 2011)

1) Nepal peace accord: Linky

Breaking a political deadlock that has lasted more than three years, Nepal's political parties arrived at a historic agreement on the peace process, Constitution writing and power-sharing late on Tuesday evening. The Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), the Nepali Congress (NC), the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist Leninist), and the Madhesi parties settled the future of 19,602 Maoist combatants, agreeing to integrate a maximum of 6,500 fighters into the Nepal Army (NA) and provide rehabilitation and cash packages to the rest.
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According to the deal, the former combatants would be integrated in a newly-created special directorate under the Nepal Army, which will also include NA soldiers and personnel from other security forces. The directorate will be responsible for development works, industrial security, forest security, and disaster relief. Combatants will be integrated on an individual basis, and will have to meet the norms of the security force. But there will be flexibility on age, marital status, and educational qualification. To determine ranks, the norms of the security organs will be taken into account. There will be bridging and educational courses for the combatants.
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A Truth and Reconciliation Commission, Disappearances Commission, a high-level political mechanism to oversee the peace and Constitution process, and an experts' team to address state restructuring issues would also be constituted. The parties have also agreed to complete the process of regrouping of combatants by November 23, and prepare the first draft of the Constitution by November 30. While not in the agreement, sources said a power-sharing arrangement had also been worked out, whereby the NC will lead the government which will hold elections after Constitution promulgation.

More on this: Linky

UCPN (Maoist) Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal, Nepali Congress President Sushil Koirala, CPN-UML Chairman Jhala Nath Khanal and Samyukta Loktantrik Madhesi Morcha leader Bijay Kumar Gachhadar signed the time-bound agreement that commits these political forces for a national consensus on completing the peace and constitution making process resolving the contentious issues in the integration of Maoist combatants.
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The deal commits to integrate maximum 6,500 Maoists combatant in the Nepal Army, offers package worth between Rs. 600,000 to Rs. 900,000 for combatants opting rehabilitation and cash package between Rs. 500,000 to Rs. 800,000 for combatants choosing the voluntary retirement option. According to the deal, the regrouping of combatants along with the return of the properties seized during the conflict to rightful owners and dismantling of the paramilitary structure of the Young Communist League will be completed within November 23. The agreement provides a way forward for addressing the fate of over 19,000 former Maoist combatants living in the seven main and 21 satellite cantonments since 2006. The international community including the United Nations had been putting pressure the Nepali actors to reach an agreement to address the future of former combatants.
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The issue of rank determination will be resolved on the basis of existing standards of the security forces by the prime minister-led Special Committee. The date of combatants' enrolment in the Maoist Army recorded by UNMIN, the provision of allocation of rank in the security forces would be kept in mind so as not to adversely affect the career prospect of regular recruits of the existing security agencies.
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In the agreement signed on Tuesday, leaders have committed to form a high level mechanism to conduct discussions for concluding the peace and constitution making process. They have agreed to immediately form an expert panel from the CA instead of a commission to seek recommendation on the restructuring of the state. They have pledged to proceed ahead in preparation of the first draft of the constitution within a month. The efforts to form national unity government once the peace and constitution making process gains momentum in accordance to agreement signed on Tuesday. Leaders involved in negotiations have said there is no possibility of change in government leadership before the November 30 deadline of the CA. There is a tacit understanding between the Nepali Congress that a Maoist led government will continue until the promulgation of new constitution and NC will lead the next government that will ovesee the general elections as per the new constitution, according to Maoist and NC leaders involved in cross-party talks.

Meanwhile, Linky

The hardliner faction of the UCPN (Maoist) led by Vice Chairman Mohan Baidya has objected to the historic seven-point deal signed by the major political parties and Madhesi Morcha on Tuesday evening to conclude the peace process. During the three-party meeting at Prime Minister's official residence in Baluwatar, the Baidya faction opposed the content of the agreement. Maoist Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal tried to convince the Baidya group for more than two hours in Baluwatar, but the hardliners refused to own up the agreement, delaying the signing ceremony.
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The rift inside the Maoists party began primarily after the Central Committee (CC) on July 22 decided to follow the path of peace and constitution on which hardliner faction registered note of dissent. The sixth extended plenum of Maoists held in Gorkha last year had passed the line of peace and revolt at the same time, latter Dahal changed the party's political course to peace and constitution. After the Maoist decided to adopt the line of peace and constitution, Dahal and PM Bhattarai stood together and the hardliner faction began to feel increasingly isolated inside the party.

After that the hardliner faction wrote series of note of dissent on party's numerous decisions, and Dahal and Bhattarai continued to push through on peace and constitution on the basis of the majority they hold inside the party. The intra-party rift became even pricklier after the party decided to handover the keys of arms container immediately after the formation of government under Maoist's leadership.The hardliner faction was pressing Dahal and Bhattarai not to take any decision before the CC meet which begins from November 3. Leaders from the Dahal camp said Dahal took a huge risk in party's history to forge an agreement on peace despite the objection from the hardliners. Leaders say if Dahal fails to manage the rift it might cause split in the party. Dahal had taken similar risk inside the party by signing Comprehensive Peace Agreement in 2006.

My comments:
a) The maoist integration issue has been one of the biggest sticking points in the whole imbroglio. Now that a 6,500 number has been arrived at, and the integrated combatants' responsibility is not to include internal security, the Nepal Army should breathe easy on this sticking point and let the whole thing slide through.
b) This is one of the biggest face-savers that the maoists should consider as manipulated out of their People's War. It would be detrimental to the maoists' to keep pushing the envelope past this stage. But knowing the devil, it would not be entirely surprising to see such a move. Yet, the presence of Dr. Bhattarai calms one's nerves for the time-being.
c) Much of the stalemate must have been broken following the recent visit of the PM, Dr. Baburam Bhattarai to India. The Indian footprint in the whole peace and reconciliation process was more and more overt following the rise of Dr. Bhattarai as a consensus candidate for PMship. So there you go: India 1, China 0 in a continuation of Linky
d) Another exhibit in this direction is the importance placed to Shri. Bijay Kumar Gachhedar in the agreement. Overnight, the Nepali triangle has become a quadrilateral with the Madhesis becoming a full force in the political spectrum by this very act. Their de facto joining the big players league was not in question given the makeup of the coalition that led to the "coronation" of Dr. Baburam Bhattarai.
e) It is no secret that the Indian think-tank has been in favor of the Madhesis given the cross-border connections between the Madhesis in Nepal and the people of Bihar/UP. Ideally, the next best thing would be to let Shri. Nitish Kumar make the inevitable cross-border visit and forge many development projects with benefits to both sides of the divide.
f) In terms of the internal dynamics of the maoist party, the vocal anti-Indian faction of Mohan Baidya Kiran seems to have been sidelined. Their opposition to BIPPA and this deal is just pure theatrics given that Nepal has signed BIPPA with many other countries before it signed with India. It is in India's interest to forge a dominant grouping inside the maoist plank led by Dr. Bhattarai with Prachanda inside the house as a big player. This will keep the vocal anti-Indian faction out of the camp and with complete freedom to release their bodily fluids into the wind. It should not be entirely surprising to see the maoists split vertically along the Prachanda-Bhattarai axis with the Kiran grouping forming a splinterist "true" maoist faction. This is only natural for a People's War-driven movement. There is a big segment of the Nepalese population from which this camp can derive sympathy over its natural course.
g) There will be further splits into uncontrollable factions over the next few years, but with the main hardliners inside the camp, and with BIPPA signed, India and Nepal can forge ahead in their common paths of lifting the teeming millions out of poverty and desperation.
h) So make that India 1, China 0 effectively an India 1, China -1. However, it is important to note that only the foolish will persist on certainties at this stage!

2) On Nepal-Bhutan relations, Refugee problem in Bhutan: Linky

Two small bombs exploded in a Bhutanese border town just three days ahead of the royal wedding on Oct 13. Responsibility for the blasts was claimed by the United Revolutionary Front of Bhutan (URFB), an insurgent group based in Nepal, which said it had timed the explosions to draw attention to the “gross national sufferings of the Bhutanese people”. This incident highlights laidback Bhutan’s startlingly hardline approach to preserving its traditional culture and identity. This pillar of its Gross National Happiness (GNH) index, has not been helpful in lending happiness to some segments of its population. Bhutan’s bid to preserve its unique identity is rooted in its Buddhist beliefs, but it has to resolve the problem of thousands of Hindu Bhutanese Nepalis languishing in refugee camps and the small but growing Christian population who seek recognition of their religion and to be allowed to build churches.

The biggest blot on Bhutan’s history is its attempt to deal with the Nepali people within its borders. The Nepali claim brutality. The Bhutan government says they are illegal immigrants. People of Nepali descent have been settling in southern Bhutan in the late 1800s and early 1900s, as Bhutan has a porous border with hardly any immigration control. By the 1950s the number of Nepali immigrants swelled to such an extent that a Citizenship Act was passed in 1958 to stem the flow. Those who could show proof that they have lived in Bhutan at least 10 years prior to 1958 could stay but those who could not were deemed illegal immigrants. In 1988, the government conducted its first real census exercise and decided to force out the “illegal” immigrants, perceiving a threat to the country’s cultural identity. But poorly trained census officials who were sometimes arbitrary in their classification of who were non-nationals triggered a great deal of tension. About the same time, the government also started enforcing the Bhutanese traditional dress and language code.

These measures combined to alienate even the genuine citizens of Nepali descent. Militancy grew in the south and and turned violent in September 1990 when protest marches were held in different districts. Schools were torched and local government officials stripped of their national attire. The army responded with mass arrests that triggered more protests and arrests that sent thousands of ethnic Nepalis fleeing the country between 1990 and 1992. They settled in seven UNHCR refugee camps in South-Eastern Nepal. Meanwhile, many poor, border-dwelling Nepalis claimed to be refugees in order to receive aid, and within a year, the camps’ population grew to more than 100,000, according to UNHCR. The United States, Australia, Canada, Norway, the Netherlands and Denmark offered to resettle the refugees and by the end of 2010, 40,000 of the refugees were resettled and more are slated to be resettled in the coming years. It is often these resettled Bhutanese of Nepali descent who work hard to ensure their plight is not forgotten abroad. For them, and for some of the ethnic Nepalis still in Bhutan (about 150,000), Bhutan’s promotion of Buddhist culture has been a source of distress. This festering refugee problem looks set to haunt Bhutan in the international arena for years to come.

Another brewing problem is among the Christians, estimated to be between 6,000 and 15,000, who would like to see their religion recognised. They are not allowed to build churches or proselytise. Several stories have appeared in Bhutan’s newspapers claiming that converts were being paid money by Christians from Western countries, which Christian leaders in the country vehemently deny. But the government is deeply suspicious of Christian evangelism and under proposed Section 463 of the Penal Code that carries a jail term, “a defendant shall be guilty of the offence of proselytisation if the defendant uses coercion or other forms of inducement to cause the conversion of a person from one religion or faith to another,” according to the government-run Kuensel newspaper.

Prime Minister Jigmi Yoser Thinley told Compass the proposed clause in the penal code was “essentially… to deter conversion,” saying there was no reason why Christians should seek to induce others to join their faith. “There are a few Christians and followers of other faiths as well (in Bhutan), and there is no difficulty with that,” Thinley said. “That is good… we promote diversity of cultures. But then, when there are those who try to convert others without understanding the values, the principles, and the essence of the other religion, we have here what constitutes the worst form of discrimination.” While the constitution recognises a citizen’s freedom to religion, only Buddhist and Hindu organisations have been registered by the Chhoedey Lhentshog – the country’s authority which regulates religious organisations.

About 75% of Bhutan’s population is Buddhist, and Hindus, mainly ethnic Nepali, account for around 22%. Bhutan’s Minister for Home and Culture Minjur Dorji told Compass that the passing and implementation of the penal code amendment “may take some more time, due to procedures involved.” Asked if the law could be misused to make false allegations and thereby create religious disharmony, as in Indian states with similar anti-conversion legislation, Dorji said he would not allow that to happen. The Christians remain hopeful that the country’s leaders will move beyond the distrust of their religion and discussions are going on.

It should also be noted that Nepal too followed the Bhutanese role and enforced a "national dress," but that is a tale for a different day.
3) GNLA ban view: Linky

“Recently, the Centre sought comments from the state government on whether it (GNLA) should be declared a banned outfit,” a senior government official told reporters here today.

The official said the comments would be sent “as early as possible”. However, the state has not been in favour of recommending that the GNLA be declared a proscribed outfit, but it would do all it can to wipe out the group. Personnel belonging to the elite Combat Battalion for Resolute Action (CoBRA) and the BSF, apart from the state Special Weapons And Tactics (SWAT) commandos, are currently engaged in flushing out GNLA cadres from Garo hills.

4) Interview with Bertil Lintner: Linky

Q: Do you think the recent peace initiatives taken by New Delhi with several militant groups in the north-east are sufficient to solve the insurgency problem in the trouble-torn region?

A: It's definitely a good step taken by New Delhi. The expulsion of ULFA leaders from Bangladesh, and the subsequent arrests of Anthony Shimray, the NSCN-IM's main arms procurer, and United National Liberation Front chairman Sana Yaima indicate that India is determined to wipe out insurgency movements in the north-east once and for all to clear the area for trade with Myanmar. But the ethnic problems in the north-eastern India are not going to disappear even if the militants are neutralised; there are genuine grievances that has to be addressed as well. Many people in the region feel neglected and marginalised. Development has to reach those areas, and their ethnic identities have to be respected. Frankly speaking, many of them feel that they are not Indians.

5) Manipur People's Party -- Nexus between politicians and terror: Linky

Manipur Peoples Party vice-president Y. Mangi Singh and four others, arrested for alleged involvement in illegal arms, were today remanded in police custody till November 8. Police said a team of commandos arrested Y. Biju, 33, after recovering two pistols and six live rounds of ammunition from him at his Khagempali locality yesterday morning during a frisking operation which was conducted following information that weapons were going to change hands in the area. Biju, the younger brother of an alleged cadre of the militant Peoples Revolutionary Party of Kangleipak, told interrogators that four persons were coming to collect the weapons from him.
...
The police are also investigating whether the weapons were meant for use during campaigning for Assembly elections, which are expected to be held in February 2012. The MPP, a major Opposition party in the state, is silent on the development. Mangi Singh is a prominent person in Imphal East. He contested the last Assembly elections from Heingang constituency of Imphal East and his name has been doing the rounds for candidature this time as well.

6) Talks with UPDS: Linky

An hourlong meeting in Delhi between representatives of the Union home ministry and the United People’s Democratic Solidarity resolved all the hurdles in signing the proposed accord between the government and the Karbi militant outfit. A jubilant UPDS leadership said the conclave removed all the blocks and the pact would be signed within the next 10 days according to the time and date scheduled by the government. “We are happy with the decisions taken in today’s meeting,” said UPDS general secretary Saiding-Eh.
...
“The changes are very minor and these are not related to the context of the accord. There are four or five such points which the state government wants to change. We had some objection in case of one or two — even the home ministry had some objections to one or two clauses — anyway, all these have been resolved in the discussions and in a friendly atmosphere all the recently emerged points have been brought to a meaningful solution,” said UPDS joint secretary Tong-Eh-Nongloda after the meeting. Nongloda, however, did not explain the minor changes.
...
The proposed accord for a Karbi Anglong territorial autonomous council was scheduled to be signed last September, but the date was postponed to October 24. On October 21, the UPDS announced that it would not sign the accord if the government climbed down from the decision of forming a neutral interim administrator. The term of the Congress-led existing Karbi Anglong autonomous council ends in December, prompting the party to pressure Assam chief minister Tarun Gogoi into postponing the date of signing the accord to November.

7) In a continuation from Linky, Nabam Tuki sworn in as Arunachal Chief Minister: Linky

Mr. Tuki, the first Chief Minister from the Nyishi community, told reporters that his priority was to maintain communal harmony among all tribes for development of the land-locked State. Mr. Tuki was chosen as Mr. Gamlin’s successor by the Congress high command after the latter stepped down.

What is cooking in Arunachal aka the resignation drama of Jarbom Gamlin

To understand what is going on in Arunachal Pradesh, a contextualization is essential.

a) A Historical Background: Arunachal Pradesh is the largest among all the North-East states considering its area of 83,743 sq. kms. The state has a long international border with Bhutan in the west covering 160 kms, Tibet in the north and northeast covering 1030 kms and Myanmar in the east covering 440 kms. The states of Assam in the south and Nagaland in the east and southeast form the other border states. Arunachal Pradesh falls in the outer Himalayas and Patkoi ranges. It is endowed with wide topographical variations, vegetation and wild life. The state is vivisected by innumerable rivers and streams which originate in the higher Himalayas and Arakan ranges. They flow down to form tributaries of Brahmaputra. The major rivers are Kameng, Subansiri, Siang, Dibang, Lohit, Diyum and Dihing.

Arunachal Pradesh acquired an identify of its own for the first time in 1914 when some tribal areas were separated from the then Darrang and Lakhimpur district of Assam to form North-East frontier Tract (NEFT). The NEFT was further sub-divided into Balipara Frontier Tract, the Sadiya Frontier tract and Tirap Frontier Tract between 1914-43. At the time of India’s independence in 1947, the present territory of Arunachal Pradesh was under part-B of the Sixth schedule of the Constitution as the tribal areas of Assam. Part-B included NEFT including Balipara Frontier Tract, the Tirap Frontier Tract, the Abor Hills district, the Mishmi Hills district and the Naga tribal areas. All these districts together were renamed as North-East Frontier Agency (NEFA) in 1951.

The NEFA was reconstituted under North-East Frontier Areas (Administration) Regulation of 1954 into Kameng Frontier Division, Subansiri Frontier Division, Siang Frontier Division, Lohit Frontier Division, Tirap Frontier Division, and Tuensang Frontier Division. The Tuensang Frontier Division was later separated from the NEFA in 1957 and merged with the newly constituted Naga Hills which became the new state of Nagaland. The NEFA was scheduled as part of Assam during the 1950-65 period and its administration was carried out by the Governor of Assam as an agent of the President of India under the Ministry of External Affairs. In the aftermath of the war with China in 1962, the responsibility of the NEFA administration was transferred to the Ministry of Home Affairs in 1965 as per the recommendations of the Dying Ering Commission (1965). Consequently, five divisions of the territory (Kameng, Subansiri, Siang, Lohit, and Tirap) became five districts. With the passage of time, these five districts have been further sub-divided into 16 districts.

Incorporating the recommendations of the Dying Ering Commission (1965), the North-East Frontier Agency Panchayat Raj Regulation Act was passed by the Parliament and implemented by the Government of India in 1967. As per the provisions of this Act, local self-government was introduced at different levels. For this, the Agency Council was formed at apex level followed by Zilla Parishads at District level, Anchal Samitis at Block level and Gram Panchayat at the village level. The traditional village councils which were already recognized under the North-East Frontier Administration of Justice Regulation, 1945, were accorded the status of Gram Panchayats. The NEFA was upgraded as Union Territory of Arunachal Pradesh on January 21, 1972 in accordance with the North-East Frontier Areas (Reorganization) Act of 1971. Finally, the Union Territory was replaced by a Pradesh Council which in turn was converted to a Legislative Assembly in 1975. The first elections to a 30 member Assembly was held in 1978. Finally, the Union Territory was replaced by a full fledged state on February 20, 1978. The present strength of members of the state's Legislative Assembly is 60, which according to the Constitutional stipulations implies that the strength of the Cabinet (including the Chief Minister) cannot exceed 12.

b) The People: The population of Arunachal Pradesh can be roughly divided into Scheduled Tribes and non-Scheduled Tribes. From the 2001 census data, 64.2% are Scheduled Tribes whereas the rest are non-Scheduled Tribes.

Scheduled Tribes: According to the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes Lists (Modification) Order, 1956 and as inserted by Act 69 of 1986 states, the STs in the state are “All tribes of the State including: Abor, Aka, Apatani, Dafla, Galong, Khampti, Khowa, Mishmi, Monpa, Momba, Any Naga tribes, Sherdukpen, Singpho”. The notification gives only an illustration of a few STs. In the 2001 Census, a total of 100 STs have been enumerated. Of these, 25 tribes have a population of 5000 or more. Relative to the total ST population of the state, these tribes and their relative percentages are: Nissi (Nyishi) 12.4%, Adi Gallong 6.8%, Wancho 6.77%, Dafla (reclassified as Nyishi as Dafla was deemed derogatory) 6.4%, Monpa 5.95%, Tagin 5.54%, Adi Minyong 4.82%, Nocte 4.78%, Adi 4.6%, Apatani 3.9%, Galong 3.86%, Mishmi 3.57%, Nishang 3.11%, Tangsa 2.97%, Abor 2.8%, Mishing/Miri 1.93%, Khampti 1.83%, Adi Padam 1.65%, ... .

Most of the tribes in Arunachal Pradesh are ethnically similar, having derived from an original common stock. But due to geographical isolation certain distinctive characteristics in each tribe in language, dress and customs can be noticed. The ST population form a set of semi-distinct cultural spheres, on the basis of tribal identity, language, religion, and material culture. They occupy distinct regions, specifically,
i) the Tibetic area bordering Bhutan in the west,
ii) the Tani area in the centre of the state,
iii) the Mishmi area to the east of the Tani area,
iv) the Tai/Singpho/Tangsa area bordering Burma, and
v) the "Naga" area to the south, which also borders Burma.
In between there are transition zones, such as the Aka/Hruso/Miji/Sherdukpen area, which provides a "buffer" of sorts between the Tibetic Buddhist tribes and the animist Tani hill tribes. In addition, there are isolated peoples scattered throughout the state, such as the Sulung.

Within each of these cultural spheres, one finds populations of related tribes speaking related languages and sharing similar traditions.
i) In the Tibetic area, one finds large numbers of Monpa tribes-people, with several subtribes speaking closely related but mutually incomprehensible languages, and also large numbers of Tibetan refugees.
ii) Within the Tani area, major tribes include Nissi (Nyishi), which has recently come to be used by many people to encompass Bangni, Tagin and even Hills Miri. Apatani also live among the Nyishi, but are distinct. In the centre, one finds predominantly Galo people, with the major sub-groups of Lare and Pugo among others, extending to the Ramo and Pailibo areas (which are close in many ways to Galo). In the east, one finds the Adi, with many subtribes including Padam, Pasi, Minyong, and Bokar, among others. Milang, while also falling within the general "Adi" sphere, are in many ways quite distinct.
iii) Moving east, the Idu, Miju and Digaru make up the "Mishmi" cultural-linguistic area, which may or may not form a coherent historical grouping.
iv) Moving southeast, the Tai Khamti are linguistically distinct from their neighbours and culturally distinct from the majority of other Arunachali tribes; they are religiously similar to the Chakmas who have migrated from the region that became Bangladesh. They follow the same Theraveda sect of Buddhism. The Chakmas consist of the majority of the tribal population. Districts of Lohit, Changlang, Dibang and Papum Pare have a considerable number of Chakmas. They speak a linguistic variant derived from Assamese and Bengali. Assam also has a large population of Chakmas who reside in the district of Karbi Anglong, Nagaon and Cachar. They also exhibit considerable convergence with the Singpho and Tangsa tribes of the same area, all of which are also found in Burma.
v) Finally, the Nocte and Wancho exhibit cultural and possibly also linguistic affinities to the tribes of Nagaland, which they border.

The 16 districts of Arunachal Pradesh are: i) Tirap, ii) Changlang, iii) Lohit -- Mishmis, Khamties and Singphoes, iv) Anjaw, v) Lower Dibang Valley -- Idu Mishmis, Adis and Mishing, vi) Upper Dibang Valley, vii) East Siang, viii) West Siang, ix) Upper Siang -- center of Adi society, x) Lower Subansiri -- Apatani, Nyishi and Hill Miri, xi) Upper Subansiri, xii) Kurung Kumey, xiii) Papum Pare, xiv) East Kameng, xv) West Kameng -- Monpas, Miji, Sherdukpen, and xvi) Tawang. Of these, the Lower Subansiri, Upper Subansiri, East Kameng, Tirap, and West Siang are predominantly ST districts with the proportion of ST population 80 per cent and above. These districts together share half of the total ST population of the state. Specifically, we have the following % of STs in each district:
i) Lower Subansiri 90.1%,
ii) Upper Subansiri 89.5%
iii) East Kameng 86.7%
iv) Tirap 83.7%
v) West Siang 81.7%
vi) Upper Siang 78.2%
vii) Tawang 75.0%
viii) East Siang 69.1%
ix) Papum Pare 56.6%
x) West Kameng 49.5%
xi) Dibang Valley 46.5%
xii) Lohit 38.2%
xiii) Changlang 36.2%.

From the above data, it can be seen that the combined tribes of the Adis and the Galongs (Abors) is the dominant tribal grouping followed by the Nissi (Nyishi)-Dafla. The Adi peoples are dominant in East Siang, Upper Siang, West Siang and Dibang Valley whereas the Nyishi community is dominant in Papam Pare, East Kameng, Lower Subansiri, Kurung Kumey, parts of Upper Subansiri, as well as the Darrang District and North Lakhimpur district of Assam. So far, no one from the dominant Nyishi community has become the Chief Minister of the state.

Non-Scheduled Tribes: The non-Scheduled Tribes consist of a large numbers of migrants from diverse areas of India and Bangladesh, who, while legally not entitled to settle permanently, in practice stay indefinitely, progressively altering the traditional demographic makeup of the state. Finally, populations of "Nepalis" (in fact, usually Tibeto-Burman tribespeople whose tribes predominate in areas of Nepal, but who do not have tribal status in India) and Chakmas are distributed in different areas of the state (although reliable figures are hard to come by).

c) Religion: In Arunachal Pradesh, unlike Nagaland, Mizoram, and Manipur, considerable ST population still adhere to their original tribal faith. This faith commemorates ancestors, emphasizes a belief in many spirits and folklores, and includes rituals which coincide with lunar phases or agricultural cycles. Sun and moon are worshipped as God and this God is referred to as Donyi-Polo. A law has been enacted to protect the indigenous religions (e.g., Donyi-Polo, Buddhism) in Arunachal Pradesh against the spread of other religions, though no comparable law exists to protect the other religions.

According to the 2001 Indian Census, the religions of Arunachal Pradesh break down as follows: Hindu 34.6%, Others (mostly, Donyi-Polo) 30.7%, Christian 18.7%, Buddhist 13.0%, Muslim 1.9%. Of the total ST population, we have the following breakdown: Others 47.2% (leading to 30.08% of the total state population), Christians 26.5% (leading to 16.96% of the state population), Hindus 13.1% (leading to 8.38%), Buddhists 11.7% (leading to 7.5%). The non-Scheduled Tribes can be broken into 26.3% of the state's share of Hindus, 5.5% of the share of Buddhists, and 1.7% of the share of Christians.

Individual ST wise, Khampti, Monpa, Momba, Sherdukpen, and Singpho are mostly the followers of Buddhism. Adi, Aka, Nishing, Apatani, Mishmi, Tangsa worship Donyi-Polo, whereas the Nocte practice an elementary form of Vaishnavism. Quite sizeable populations among Adi, Nishi (up to 80%), Nocte, and Wancho have been converted to Christianity. The Wancho and Nocte are Naga tribals and some have been influenced by Nagas (predominantly Christians) in Nagaland.

d) Arunachal's Problems:
1) The first problem is to speed up building infrastructure in the state, especially roads criss-crossing deep gorges and swift rivers. While the Border Roads Organisation mostly builds roads in the state, there are areas where connectivity is the state’s responsibility. Besides, the Chinese have, of late, been rapidly building infrastructure along the border that has made the Indian side nervous. While Beijing has geography on its side — the Tibetan plateau lends a distinct advantage — the Indian side neither has geography on its side nor, till recently, had the will to change the difficult terrain to its advantage by building roads.
2) The state also faces challenges in the extreme east as well in the Tirap and Changlang districts. Not only is there pressure from people to open the routes to Myanmar for trade and build roads but also to stem militancy. Both factions of the NSCN, Isak-Muivah and Khaplang, co-exist and exercise considerable influence in Tirap and Changlang. For the new incumbent, there would be pressure from Chidambaram to neutralise the militants with the state’s own police forces who would be allowed to recruit more people. There have been many fruitless efforts in the past to cap the claims of Nagalim: one such stillbirth move was to rechristen the Naga tribes of Arunachal Pradesh (34 tribes and sub-tribes in Changlang and 3 in Tirap) as Tangshangs. These groupings included Muklom, Longchang, Tutsa, Tikhak, Hawoi, Longri, Mungrey, Mushang in Changlang district and Nocte, Wangcho and Tutsa in Tirap district. Another such move was the introduction of the Arunachal Pradesh Control of Organised Crime Act (APCOCA) Bill under the Mukut Mithi government, which was then repealed under Gegong Apang.
3) The third problem is with Assam in terms of contested borders and downstream impact of big dams.
i) The most important position in Arunachal Pradesh after the Chief Minister is the Ministry of Power given the enormous hydel power resources and potential that Arunachal sits on. The state has the potential to generate around 50,000 MW and most of the projects have been commissioned on the Subansiri, the Siang, the Lohit and the Kameng. However, the issue of big dams in Arunachal has generated quite a bit of heat in neighbouring Assam, as there are fears of largescale inundation downstream. Specifically, the Krishak Mukti Sangram Samiti (KMSS) and its leader Akhil Gogoi have been preventing vessels carrying machinery for the Lower Subansiri power project to be carried through. In response to this opposition, the Union ministry of environment and forests has been conducting a study on the feasibility and environmental impact of big dams from 2009.
ii) The Nyishis in East Kameng have repeated clashes with Bodos in the Darrang and Sonitpur districts of neighboring Assam due to overlap of territory issues. Similar problems exist elsewhere on the Arunachal-Assam border also.

e) Political State:
Background information on the players:
Gegong Apang is an Adi tribal.
Dorjee Khandu is a Monpa tribal with Buddhist affiliation from Tawang.
Jarbom Gamlin is a Donyi-Polo from the West Siang district.
Mukut Mithi is an Adi tribal (?) from the Lower Dibang Valley.

After a coalition regime (between BJP and Arunachal Congress) under veteran politician Gegong Apang, the eve of the 2004 elections saw Apang shift his allegiance to the Congress yet again. With this weight, Congress stormed back to power in Arunachal Pradesh winning 34 seats in the 60-member assembly with Apang emerging as the frontrunner for the Chief Ministership. Under the Gegong Apang ministry, Dorjee Khandu who was re-elected unopposed in 2004 from Mukto constituency became the minister for Power, NCER, and relief and rehabilitation. Jarbon Gamlin who was elected from Liromoba became the Home Minister. Gamlin was dropped from the Apang ministry in March 2006. While no specific reasons were given for the ouster, the most likely consideration might have been to ensure that all sections of society get proper representation in the ministry given the upper cap of 12 on the ministry (the newly inducted ministers were said to be close to Apang and former CM Mukut Mithi).

Unhappy over the "dictatorial policies and distribution of portfolios in the council of ministers" of the Apang regime, dissidence by a majority of ruling Congress MLAs saw Dorjee Khandu take over as the Chief Minister on April 9, 2007. He continued through 2009 and won a re-election bid in 2009. Of the total 60 seats in the Arunachal State Assembly, 42 was won by the Congress, five by the NCP, five by Trinamul Congress, four by PPA, three by BJP and one is an Independent/rebel candidate from one of the mainstream parties. Meanwhile, Gegong Apang was arrested in August 2010 for alleged corruption relating to a Rs. 1000 crore public distribution system scam. Apang denied the charges and claimed they are politically motivated, though the government stated that the investigation was conducted independently and without political interference. The scam allegedly involved fradulent hill transport subsidy bills that were passed while Apang was Chief Minister without the required financial oversight.

The incumbent Chief Minister of Arunachal Pradesh, Dorjee Khandu, died in an unfortunate helicopter crash at Sela Pass on April 30, 2011. Khandu's government from 2007 to his untimely demise had signed scores of MOUs with private players to set up over 100 hydel power projects, the revenue from which would make Arunachal the richest state in the country. In the wake of his demise, four to five (depending on the source) contenders emerged for the Chief Ministership. They were: i) Arunachal Pradesh Congress Committee (APCC) president and PWD minister Nabam Tuki, ii) former chief minister Mukut Mithi, iii) Rural Welfare and Development minister Kalikho Pul, iv) Finance minister Setong Sena and v) Power minister and government spokesman Jarbom Gamlin. While Tuki was the frontrunner as a veteran party hand, the scales eventually tipped in Gamlin’s favour as he was backed by the deceased’s family.

The high command (AICC) too gave in to the family’s wish and Jarbom Gamlin was sworn in as the new chief minister of Arunachal Pradesh on May 5, 2011. As payback, Gamlin fielded Dorjee Khandu's son Pema Khandu, 32, in his cabinet with the hope that Pema could contest the Mukto byelection. The rest of the ministers in his cabinet were erstwhile ministers in the Dorjee Khandu-government. They include Kalikho Pul, Setong Sena, Nabam Tuki, Tako Dabi, Chowna Mein, Tanga Byaling, Atum Welly, Takar Marde, Honchun Ngandam and Bosiram Siram. In terms of tribal divisions, the Nyishi community has 14 MLAs in the 60-member state assembly. Two of them are ministers and four others parliamentary secretaries in the Congress government headed by Gamlin.

f) From Crisis to Crisis:
The contentious replacement process for Dorjee Khandu has meant that the Jarbom Gamlin government has been working on a crisis mode from inception. Signs of crisis could be felt during the three-day Assembly session that concluded in late September when non-Congress MLAs demanded a CBI inquiry into the crash that claimed the life of Dorjee Khandu during the obituary references and a Congress legislator raised the issue of the deteriorating law and order situation. In the meanwhile, an explosive news report from Pradeep Thakur of the Times of India which attributed the loss of Nabam Tuki in the Chief Ministerial race to the tense relation Nyishis have with other tribal groupings brought the influential Nyishi Elite Society and the All Nyishi Students’ Union into the picture. They called for an Itanagar chalo campaign (Mega Nyishi Dignity Rally) on October 7 accusing the Gamlin government of divisive politics and collusion by being the news source in the Times of India report.

Other organizations chipped in this effort too. The All Nyishi Youth Organisation has extended support to the Nyishi Elite Society’s demand for Gamlin’s resignation. Also unhappy with the situation are the All Arunachal Youngstar United Federation, the All Arunachal Registered Contractor Association, the Arunachal Citizens’ Right, the NEFA Indigenous Human Rights Organisation and the Women Power Connect (Arunachal chapter). The Arunachal Pradesh Indigenous Tribes Union's charges also included breakdown in law and order situation, unprovoked police firing on protesters and demanded immediate termination of those involved in the police firing, among others. It flayed the state home minister Takar Marde for the breaking down of law and order while Youngstar United has sought the Centre’s intervention for restoration of normalcy.

The governance crisis reached a flashpoint with senior cabinet minister Chowna Mein alleging that he was kidnapped soon after the three-day Assembly session on September 26 and taken to the chief minister’s official residence at Niti Vihar* where other MLAs and ministers were also present and that he had to flee that very evening fearing for his life. Jarbom Gamlin not only dismissed the charges but also said he was the one to drop the minister home. The government spokesperson Setong Sena has refuted accusation of government forces being involved in the kidnapping, dubbing it as an attempt to gain cheap publicity. Mein’s accusation came at a time when several legislators, ministers and party leaders had been camping in Delhi, demanding Gamlin’s ouster. Specifically, Gamlin and Tuki have been camping in Delhi since September 27 hoping for a resolution to their contrasting demands. Gamlin wants Tuki’s wings clipped while Tuki wants Gamlin to be replaced, citing “breakdown” of governance in the state.

Some governmental sources said involvement of NSCN (I-M) rebels in the entire drama, which has derailed governance in the state, was also suspected, as some MLAs were allegedly being threatened to support some faction of the outfit or the other. Their involvement is also suspected in light of their demand for inclusion of Tirap and Changlang districts in the integrated Naga homeland, Nagalim. The Naga rebels, however, have strongly refuted the charge about their involvement in Arunachal Pradesh politics. But the voice of a terrorist group only adds so much credibility to the whole situation.

While the AICC seems to be concerned that there exists a threat by some legislators to form a regional party if there were no change of guard (as has been seen many times in the past), in the words of the BJP organisation secretary (Northeast), P. Chandra Sekhar, administration has come to a total standstill for over a month as two Congress groups lobby for leadership. BJP general secretary Tapir Gao said though the standoff was an internal matter of the Congress, it had caused a crisis for which the party leadership was responsible. As of October 29, 2011, Sonia Gandhi finally decided to remove Arunachal Pradesh chief minister Jarbom Gamlin after the central observers told her of his grave mistakes and the deep sense of disquiet among a majority of the legislators. The process of choosing Gamlin’s successor has begun and the decision will be announced in the next couple of days.

* Gamlin, however, does not stay in his official residence.

Northeast terrorist group updates (October 25, 2011)

Assam:
1) ULFA talks go past the talks-about-talks stage: Linky

The charter of demands includes constitutional amendments to give Assam greater control over its natural resources, revenue generation, participation in the planning process, ensuring a secure demographic situation, besides accelerated and balanced development. Rajkhowa told reporters before the talks that they would "explain long-standing demands of the region and the aspirations of the people". The meeting will be formal with the minutes to be signed and a notification to be issued in the gazette, official sources said.
...
The Times of India reports that the ‘Executive committee’ of United Liberation front of Asom (ULFA), which met in Guwahati city on September 16, adopted a resolution for making the changes as decided at the general council meeting held in Nalbari in July 31. The resolution is about bringing forth amendments to the ULFA's constitution, which will bring the command structure of the different battalions of ULFA by placing them under the ‘Chairman’ Arabinda Rajkhowa, instead of ‘Commander in Chief ‘Paresh Baruah. It is to be noted that ULFA militants have been grouped into four battalions - the 27th battalion in central Assam, the 28 battalion in upper Assam, 107 battalion in Garo Hills and 709 battalion in lower Assam. The outfit's constitution authorizes only the military wing, headed by the commander-in-chief, to command these units. But with the starting of peace talks and majority of the cadres joining the peace process, the cadres will now have to stay at development centres called Naba Nirman Kendras where they will take up various activities, agriculture being the primary one.

On the ATF faction:

Further, ULFA-ATF has reorganized its member under three groups namely Rongili, Lakhimi and Kopili. Rongili (the cheerful lady) is the identification code for ULFA-ATF’s biggest group based in Myanmar, Lakhimi (the homely lady) is the group still left behind in Bangladesh and Kopili (the speedy river) stands for the erstwhile 27th battalion, which is now temporarily based in Majuli.

More: Linky

The Paresh Barua group of Ulfa has become stronger by 105 cadres at a time when the faction was being seen as one of no consequence since the split in the outfit and resultant depletion in manpower.
...
Sources in the home department said Ulfa has four camps in Myanmar with a mobile headquarters in the Sagaing division which is shared by at least 10 militant groups of the Northeast, including the Khaplang faction of the NSCN, People’s Liberation Army, Prepak and UNLF. Sources, however, said there was no confirmation about the recent reports about the attacks on Ulfa camps by Myanmar army. Neog, on the other hand, said it was with the help of the Khaplang faction of the NSCN, the Ulfa cadres travel to Myanmar and back through Nagaland. “The NSCN-K militants provide shelter and act as guides to trek through leech-infested jungles to Myanmar,” he said.

The Security Forces (SFs) reportedly arrested on October 22 four militants, including a central committee member of the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA), Vimal Roy alias Dergrah Sarania, from Dalu along the Indo-Bangladesh border in West Garo Hills District. The Shillong Times adds that Dergrah Sarania was arrested in 2009 under the Bangladesh Passport act for having fake documents and spent some time in prison in Bangladesh. Sarania is also reportedly close to ULFA ‘commander’ Dristi Rajkhowa.
...
Meanwhile, a top militant of the Anti-Talks Faction of National Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB-ATF), ‘sergeant major’ Biranjay Boro alias Bithn Boro alias Daju Boro from the Chirang District of Assam, surrendered before the Border Security Forces (BSF) in Shillong on September 29, reports The Telegraph. Prior to his surrender, he was working as the area commander of the NDFB, looking after Panbari reserve forest covering areas from Ulubari to Chirang District and also the border areas of Baksa and Barpeta Districts of Assam.

Haldar uncertain on Chetia: Linky
2) Bodoland: Linky

The influential All Bodo Students' Union (ABSU) took out cycle rallies from the North bank of Brahmaputra River between Kokrajhar district to the west and Dhemaji district to the East to press for their demand for a separate state for the Bodo tribe in Assam.
...
The ABSU has revived its long-standing but dormant statehood movement after being enthused by the national focus on the on-going Telangana statehood movement.

Meanwhile,

The Telegraph reports that Bodo National Conference (BNC), the umbrella organisation of the Bodo community, on September 26 finalised steps to get the Anti-Talks faction of National Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB-ATF) on board for talks as early as possible and try to clear misunderstanding with the Pro-Talks faction of National democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB-PTF). BNC chief convener Hagrama Mohilary said they would soon be move the Central Government interlocutor P.C. Haldar and Union ‘Home Secretary’ R.K. Singh to accord the same treatment to Daimary as given to ULFA leaders and start the peace process with the group. BNC would send a team to Udalguri on October 1 to hold discussions with the NDFB-PTF leadership.

3) DHD(J): Linky

A probe conducted by the Enforcement Directorate into the money-laundering of the DHD-J revealed that Hojai had landed property and invested crores of rupees in travel agencies, hotels, real estate and investment firms in Nepal from illegally acquired proceeds and extortion money. He allegedly also has an account at a bank in Singapore, which he had opened a few years ago under the fake name of Nirmal Rai. The militant, who allegedly holds a Nepali passport in the name of Nirmal Rai, has travelled to several countries like China, Thailand, Malaysia and South Africa on that passport.
...
Central Government has urged the Singapore government to investigate an account in a bank of that country which allegedly belongs to the Black Widow (BW) militant group ‘commander-in-chief’ Niranjan Hojai, reports The Telegraph. (Linky)

Meanwhile, Linky

The Nunisa Faction of Dima Halam Daogah (DHD-Nunisa) has decided climb down from its demand for an autonomous state and settle for a territorial council with proposed boundary that includes parts of Nagaon, Cachar, Karbi Anglong Districts of Assam and Dimapur of Nagaland. The DHD-Nunisa ‘chairman’ Dilip Nunisa said the proposed council is to be named as Dimaraji Territorial Council (DTC) and it would comprise three Districts including existing Dima Hasao and two new Districts namely Garampani District and Borail District, while Borail will include parts of present Dima Hasao and the tribal dominated areas of Cachar, including the ancient Kachari kingdom capital Khaspur. Garampani would include eastern Dima Hasao and neighbouring Nagaon District’s Dimasa-dominated of Lanka, Hojai, Lumding and Kampur and stretch up to Kachari Satra in Dakhinpat under Nagaon sadar Police Station. In addition, Borlangfar, Dhansiri in Karbi Anglong District and Dimapur plains in Nagaland should be included in the existing Dima Hasao District. Nunisa further said, “The territorial council will have 40 elected and four nominated members. The number of Assembly constituencies might be increased from the present one to four and there might be a separate Lok Sabha seat comprising the three territorial council districts.”

Another trial awaits Hojai: Linky
4) UPDS and Karbi Anglong:
Linky

The Autonomous State Demand Committee (ASDC) today threatened to restart its democratic move for an autonomous council as neither Dispur nor New Delhi was interested in signing the proposed accord for a territorial council with the United People’s Democratic Solidarity.
...
“If the government continues its apathy, we shall have to begin afresh our decades-long struggle for a state,” Kro said.

Centre-UPDS accord hits barrier

UPDS sources said the Centre had earlier agreed to install a neutral interim administration till the territorial council came into being, but was now unwilling to go ahead. The signing of the accord for a territorial council was scheduled for October 24 in New Delhi. Initially, the accord was to have been signed in September at Diphu in the presence of chief minister Tarun Gogoi and Union home minister P. Chidambaram. It was later postponed to October 24 and the venue shifted to New Delhi.

The Assam government as well as the local Congress-led autonomous council are said to be against its dissolution, which has led to the impasse. UPDS general secretary Saiding-Eh today said his organisation would not sign the accord if New Delhi continued to stick to its decision. “The setting up of a neutral administration of the Karbi Anglong autonomous council for the period between signing of the peace accord and holding of the next election is the formula agreed between the UPDS negotiating team and Union home minister P. Chidambaram. This agreement had set the ball rolling for preparation of the signing ceremony. The UPDS will decline to sign the proposed agreement on October 24 if the agreed formula is not adhered to,” Saiding-Eh said.
...
According to a high-level source of the Karbi Anglong Congress, preparations are on for the next council election scheduled to take place in the first week of December.

“Dissolution means the Congress will be dropped from the council. Setting up of a neutral administration will adversely affect the wave in favour of our party. The credit for upgrading the council will go to UPDS. There might be a gap between people and Congress leaders as power would be in the hands of the neutral administration,” the source said. According to the proposed peace accord, the existing council will be upgraded to a territorial council with more powers. The number of council seats would be increased from the current 28 to 45.

“We expect that the signing of the accord will follow immediately after dissolution of the existing council. The neutral administration will be there, assisted by a 12-member advisory board consisting of members from political parties. Work like delimitation and administrative reforms will be done by the neutral administration and fresh elections will be held on completion of all the work. It seems the Congress thinks they should be allowed to rule even when preparations for the territorial council are on,” said Jaysingh Engleng, a Karbi student leader.

Assam Tribune reports on October 25 that notwithstanding Chief Minister, Tarun Gogoi optimism over the possibility of the Government sealing a deal with United People Democratic Solidarity (UPDS) soon, the deadlock continues with the outfit on October 24 sticking to their demand on setting up a neutral autonomous council ahead of the polls. The Chief Minister, however, appeared non-committal, when asked about the demand for dismissal of the Karbi Anglong Autonomous Council (KAAC). “I have to consult the autonomous district council, as the body is constituted under the Sixth schedule of the Constitution,” he said. Also, the non-Karbi organizations, comprising different student bodies of Karbi Anglong District, have demanded the Central, State government and the UPDS which is on ceasefire to disclose the charter of demands publicly, reports The Sentinel.

Assam Tribune reports on October 24 that in the face of a fresh standoff with the United People’s Democratic Solidarity (UPDS), Union Home Minister, P Chidambaram has invited Chief Minister, Tarun Gogoi to join him on October 24 (today) to resolve the deadlock.

5) On NSCN support to non-Dimasa groups in Dima Hasao: Linky

The Assam Tribune quoted the DIG of Police (southern range) Vinod Kumar of saying that confessional statements of persons arrested following the arson and killing (between October 13-16, 2011) indicated that members of the Nationalist Socialist Council of Nagaland-Issak Muivah (NSCN-IM) were involved in the Dima Hasao clashes. Kumar said that the NSCN helped the formation of newly created militant outfit Hill Tiger Force (HTF) and also provided weapons and training and added the NSCN militants came to NC Hills (Dima Hasao) on the eve of the recent clashes and instigated the non-Dimasa people and members of the HTF. Kumar further said that Naga outfit was involved in one of the incidents of setting fire to a village.

Followed by and preceded by Dimasa violence on Hmars:

Times of India reports that about 200 Hmar refugees from Dima Hasao District of Assam have taken shelter in Mizoram's Kolasib District along the Assam border since October 16, following ethnic clashes between Dimasas and other tribes. Many refugees belonging to Hmar, Kuki and other ethnic communities have fled Assam's hill Districts and took shelter in Mizoram due to threats of Dimasa militant groups and other militants. Violence broke out in the Dima Hasao District on October 16 as suspected tribal militants set ablaze 19 houses of Dimasas and sprayed bullets targeting fleeing villagers, killing one person and injuring three others.

6) ANLA:

SFs arrested Ajitu Khaka, ‘finance secretary’ of Adivasi National Liberation Army (ANLA) and NDFB militant, Debison Basumatary alias Hanghw, from two separate locations of Udalguri District on October 23, reports The Telegraph. Khaka was arrested from the Bhutan border in the District. The militant revealed that most of their cadres move under cover along the Bhutan border and do not stay at one place for a long time.

7) Rebels buy homes in Guwahati - NIA orders attachment of flats allegedly belonging to Manipur militant leaders Linky

The mess that is Manipur:
8) In Manipur, NSCN clashes with other Naga sub-tribes:

Kanglaonline reports that an armed encounter took place between the cadres of National Socialist Council of Nagaland-Isak-Muivah (NSCN-IM) and Zeliangrong United Front (ZUF) in a forest at Guitang village under Khoupum Police Station in Tamenglong District on October 7.
...
Referring to the October 7 shoot out in Tamenglong District in Manipur where six cadres of National Socialist Council of Nagaland-Isak-Muivah (NSCN-IM) were killed by the Zeliangrong United Front (ZUF), the ZUF said it was a sad incident caused by the intrusion by outsiders that had disturbed the peaceful atmosphere, reports Kanglaonline. At any cost the ZUF will safeguard the Zeliangrong land. It then said no others had instigated the ZUF on any activity carry out by the ZUF. “It is natural for us to protect our land and we are doing it with our own volition,” said the ZUF. It alleged that the NSCN-IM had given immense hardship to the Zeliangrong villages in Tamenglong District. The ZUF said the NSCN-IM only imposes its `military rule` in Zeliangrong region when there are so many Naga areas that are untouched by the latter outfit.

9) Nagas and Kukis in Manipur: Linky

Asked at a news conference about the nearly two-month long blockade on the two national highways in Manipur, the home minister said Nagas and Kukis wanted separate districts. Kuki organisations want a separate Sadar Hills district and the Nagas want the Jiribam district carved out of Imphal while also opposing formation of Sadar Hills district.

First, on the Naga demand:

On expiry of the 20-days deadline of Naga bodies given to the Central Government to make ‘alternative arrangement’ for the Nagas in Manipur, the All Naga Students’ Association Manipur (ANSAM) has called for a three-day general strike in the Naga areas, effective from October 21 (today) midnight, reports The Sentinel. On September 29, the United Naga Council had submitted an ultimatum, with a 20-days deadline, to the Central leaders demanding intervention for an “alternative arrangement” for Nagas in Manipur. Since there is no discernible move by the Central government, UNC has resorted to the three-day general strike.
...
Meanwhile, the United Naga Council (UNC) has begun its mobilization in `Naga areas` in Manipur regarding the `Alternative Arrangement` while asking the Nagas to remain prepared for any eventuality after October 19. On October 3, the UNC had threatened to agitate in the manner it had violently resorted in 2010, if the demand for the `alternative arrangement` outside the Government of Manipur is not done within 20 days counting from September 29. The UNC said it had communicated with New Delhi on September 29 in connection with the `alternative arrangement` for the Nagas in Manipur.
...
Sangai Express reports that Naga civil society organisations of Chandel District will enforce economic blockade on the Imphal-Moreh road till there is an agreement between the United Naga Council (UNC) and Government of Manipur, affirmed the convenor of Chandel Naga Civil Society Coordination Core Committee, Cohring Victor on September 28. Cohring reminded all concerned that the ongoing UNC-sponsored movement is to urge the Government of Manipur that no land of the Nagas should be distorted when there is reorganisation of District boundaries or formation of new Districts.

10) Sadar Hills District Demand: Linky

The Sadar Hills District hood Demand Committee (SHDDC) on October 22 submitted a memorandum to Leishemba Sanajaoba, the titular king of Manipur, seeking his intervention into their demand to create Sadar Hills District. The SHDDC failed to turn up for further talks with the State Government on October 24 which was agreed between the two sides during the talks on October 23 night at the Chief Minister’s bungalow and decided to continue its stir.
...
Meanwhile, on October 19 Chief Minister Okram Ibobi reiterated that the Government is considering the demand for upgrading Sadar Hills to a full fledged District. The Chief Minister was speaking at the reception function of Autonomous District Council (ADC) Members elected unopposed from Senapati and Ukhrul ADCs at District Council Bhavan, Sangakpham in Imphal East District on October 18.
...
Also, calling upon the Prime Minister of India to intervene for non creation of Sadar Hills District in Mani-pur, the Naga Students' Union Delhi (NSUD) on October 13 held a protest demonstration in New Delhi, reports The Sangai Express. Meanwhile, Manipur Chief Minister O. Ibobi Singh met the Union Home Minister P Chidambaram on the same day.
...
Meanwhile, three more women agitators who have been on a fast unto death stir demanding conversion of Sadar Hills to a full fledged District have been arrested by Police and sent to judicial custody on September 30. The arrested women are identified as Kimlhai Lhouvum (50), Hatneng Khongsai (54) and Ngamthem Gangte (54). They started their fast unto death agitation together from August 23.
...
Nagaland Post reports that a seven-member delegation of the Church Leaders Forum, Sadar Hills, on September 26 met with Manipur Chief Minister O Ibobi Singh and urged him to fulfill the demand of the Sadar Hills District hood Demand Committee (SHDDC) during a two-hour long meeting at the Chief Minister’s office chamber. Despite the firm stand of the Manipur Government not to declare Sadar Hills as full-fledged District of the State in a ‘hasty’ manner without consulting with different communities and civil society groups, supporters of the SHDDC continued to press the State Government for “full implementation of the Manipur (Hills Areas) District Councils Act, 1971 in the Sadar Hills.

Linky

The Sadar Hills District Demand Committee-sponsored blockade has earned the dubious distinction of being the longest economic blockade not only in Manipur but perhaps in the entire country. The 25 lakh blockade-saturated people of the state, however, have stopped lamenting about the inconveniences, and are learning the virtues of frugality instead. The blockade imposed on Imphal-Dimapur (NH-39) and Imphal-Jiribam (NH-37) highways, demanding creation of Sadar Hills district out of Senapati district, entered its 70th day today.

Before this, the longest blockade was imposed by the All Naga Students Association, Manipur, with full support from the United Naga Council (UNC). They blocked supply to Imphal from outside the state for 68 days against holding of district council elections as well as an alternative administrative arrangement for Nagas in Manipur last year. The blockade came shortly before the Okram Ibobi Singh government prevented NSCN (I-M) leader Th. Muivah from entering Manipur through Mao Gate, along the Imphal-Dimapur highway last year.

11) KCP: Linky

Kanglaonline reports that the ‘commander-in-chief’ of Kangleipak Communist Party-Mobile Task Force (KCP-MTF), Chirom Tiken Meitei alias Sunil Meitei who escaped from the lockup of Porompat Police Station on October 3 was killed by Imphal West Police commandos during an operation conducted at Yumnam Huidrom Awang Leikai in Imphal West District on October 11. One .9 mm pistol along with four live rounds was recovered from his possession.
Addressing media persons, Manipur Director General of Police (DGP) Y. Joykumar stated that based on specific information, the Imphal west police commandos raided the house of Longjam Shyam (56), where the militant leader Sunil Meitei was taking shelter in an underground hideout inside the house. Longjam Shyam is a retired police constable and he is presently the ‘secretary in-charge’ for home of KCP-MTF, Sunil Meitei faction, the DGP added. One family member of Longjam Shyam disclosed that Sunil Meitei was staying at their house since the night of October 9. Sunil Meitei was arrested from Bangalore on June 29 and brought back to Imphal for questioning on July 21.
...
The Telegraph reports that Sunil Meitei, a leader of Kangleipak Communist Party-Mobile Task Force (KCP-MTF) escaped from the lock-up of Porompat Police Station in Imphal East in the night of October 3. Seven Police personnel on duty at the Police station, including the officer-in-charge, have been suspended.

12) UNLF chargesheet: Linky

The National Investigation Agency is ready to file its second chargesheet against the United National Liberation Front, a banned militant outfit fighting for Manipur’s sovereignty.

The NIA had filed its first chargesheet against 19 accused, including UNLF chairman Raj Kumar Meghen alias Sana Yaima and vice-chairman Khundong Tomba alias Bikramjit alias Sunil, on February 14 this year. “Four of the chargesheeted accused who are absconding, including Tomba, have been declared proclaimed offenders,” the source said. He rued that the efforts of the security forces to bust the UNLF’s network had suffered a setback when Tomba, who was arrested in Guwahati on May 1, 2010, went into hiding after jumping bail.

The UNLF vice-chairman, who was released on bail on July 30, 2010, is now believed to be in Myanmar. Tomba was let off on bail as Assam police failed to file a chargesheet against him within the stipulated 90 days. According to law, if the chargesheet is not filed within the stipulated time, the accused can be released on bail by default. A chargesheet was filed against Tomba after the NIA took over the investigation of the case last year.

“Tomba has become a major headache for Indian security forces since taking over as the acting chairman of the UNLF, following the arrest of the outfit’s chairman Raj Kumar Meghen, on November 30, 2010. In Meghen’s absence, he is now coordinating all the anti-national activities of the UNLF,” the source said. The NIA is also probing how Tomba managed to escape to Myanmar and who were the people who helped him. The other three absconding accused whose names figure in the NIA’s first chargesheet are Brahmachari Mayum Angobi Sharma, Y. Nabinchand alias Abo and Brahmachari Mayum Gopal Krishna Sharma.

13) Paramilitary job sop for militants - Ibobi govt moves Delhi on offer Linky

Nagaland and Arunachal:
14) NSCN-KK faction in the form of an MLA:

Times of India reports that the National Socialist Council of Nagaland-Khaplang (NSCN-K) issued a threat to the sitting Member of Legislative Assembly (MLA) of Dimapur, Azheto Zhimomi, for "his act of open defiance and abuse of the outfit".

According to the statement by NSCN-K, Zhimomi, who is also a timber businessman, was requested by the outfit to "clear pending annual revenue accounts of his firm". In response, he invited a NSCN-K cadre, Hemail Sumi, to his official residence in Thahekhu village, Dimapur, to finalize the balance of accounts, accordingly, the cadre, as per the given appointment, went to Azheto's residence. "However, to his surprise, Azheto Zhimomi, along with members of NSCN (Khole-Kitovi) was standing at the gate and apprehended Hemail Sumi there itself," the statement alleged, adding, "with the directions of Azheto Zhimomi, Hemail Sumi was whisked away and is still being held in confinement by the NSCN (Khole-Kitovi) at the Khehoi camp."
...
The Telegraph reports that the ‘chairman’ of the Khole-Kitovi faction of National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN-Khole-Kitovi), Khole Konyak, is on a tour in Mon District in an attempt to dispel misgivings and doubts among the Konyak people about his outfit. This was Khole’s first visit to the District since formation of the faction in July, after leaders of the Khehoi designated camp of the NSCN-K (Khaplang) “expelled” leader S.S. Khaplang from the outfit in retaliation against his autocratic decision to remove the outfit’s armed wing ‘chief’, Khole Konyak, from the post.
...
Nagaland Post reports that an 18-member United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) delegation led by its ‘chairman’ Arabinda Rajkhowa made a courtesy call on the collective leadership of the National Socialist Council of Nagaland-Khole-Kitovi (NSCN-Khole-Kitovi) faction ‘chairman’ Khole Konyak and ‘general secretary’ N. Kitovi Zhimomi at Khehoi camp in Dimapur on September 13. The primary purpose of the visit by the ULFA delegation was to “express and appreciate the Naga reconciliation process, which had impressed the neighbouring nations and people”.
...
The Telegraph reports that the National Socialist Council of Nagaland-Khaplang (NSCN-K) said that Anti-talks faction of the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA-ATF) ‘commander-in-chief’ Paresh Barua is in China and not in Myanmar. Rubbishing reports of Barua being in Myanmar, taking shelter in Khaplang’s headquarters not far from the Indo-Myanmar border, kilonser (minister) for information and publicity, Wangtin Naga told The Telegraph over phone from his hideout somewhere in Mon District of Nagaland that Barua is currently in Yunnan province of China.

‘Envoy’ to the collective leadership of the outfit, Kughalu Mulatonu, quoting reports from Myanmar, said the military might have overrun a few mobile camps of the NSCN-K but there was no report of any casualty. Mulatonu said some weeks back New Delhi had supplied over 50 trucks laden with arms and ammunition to Myanmar to flush out Indian militants taking refuge in Myanmar. Mulatonu and Tikhak have expressed resentment to the Government of India for supplying arms and ammunition to Myanmar to wage war against the NSCN-K while talks of peace are on. Further, Kughalu Mulatonu blamed the Forum for Naga Reconciliation (FNR) for the split in NSCN-K in June. In a statement, Kughalu Mulatonu, blamed Wati Aier and “his FNR for the split” in the outfit in June that resulted in one faction headed by S.S.Khaplang and the other by ‘General’ Khole Konyak and N.Kitovi Zhimomi. Mulatonu described the FNR act as fratricide and demanded that it explain the real motive of exclusion of other Naga political groups in the reconciliation process.

15) On the same theme, but from a different place: Bomb blast outside Minister's residence:

Nagaland Post reports that a low intensity bomb exploded inside the compound of State social welfare minister, N. Loken, at Leimapokpam in Bishnupur District on October 18. According to Police sources, the bomb, a local made, was hurled by unidentified militants. No casualty was reported in the blast. Various militant outfits are demanding siphoning off funds released by the Centre for the scheme sponsored by it to the State social welfare department.

16) ENPO: Linky

The Eastern Nagaland People’s Organisation (ENPO) today ruled out violent means to press the Centre for a separate “frontier Nagaland” state. The ENPO, which has rejected the offer of an autonomous council for Kiphire, Mon, Longleng and Tuensang districts, said they would resort to democratic means to press for a separate state.
...
On the Centre’s rejection of “frontier Nagaland” state, the ENPO member said their movement originated from the grassroots and not from few people. He said the four districts have their own history which the Centre cannot ignore.

Mizoram:
17) HPC-D: Linky

The Hmar People’s Convention- Democratic (HPC-D) is likely to split into two factions following the impeachment of its founder president, Lalhmingthanga Sanate sometimes back.
...
The Sangai Express reports that the executive council of the Hmar People’s Convention-Democratic (HPC-D) in its emergency meeting held on September 29 resolved and removed their ‘president’ Lalhminthang Sanate. According to a press release jointly signed by secretary information John F Hmar and information publicity officer David L Hmar, Lalhminthang Sanate, without even informing and consulting the executive committee of the HPC-D signed the Deed of Agreement and merged the HPC-D as a member of the Kuki National Organisation (KNO). Declaring the Deed of Agreement signed by Lalhminthang as null and void, the HPC-D apologised to the Hmar people for allowing a traitor to lead the party and the people it represented.

Meghalaya:
18) ANVC:

Shillong Times reports that Centre’s interlocutor PC Haldar on October 19 said that the Union Government is still examining the political demands of the Garo militant outfit, Achik National Volunteer Council (ANVC), which is currently under ceasefire agreement, for creation of the Garoland Territorial Council in line with that of the Bodoland Territorial Council in Assam. “We have had a discussion with the ANVC on this matter. The Union Government is still examining their demand,” Haldar, who is the Centre’s interlocutor for talks said. He however said that no specific time line has been set by the Union Government.
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The Telegraph reports that the Meghalaya Government has sought more time to finalise the long-pending demands of the Garo hills-based militant outfit, the Achik National Volunteers Council, (ANVC) despite the Centre’s request to speed up the process. Chief minister Mukul Sangma, during his recent visit to Delhi, met Union home minister P. Chidambaram and discussed the settlement of ANVC’s demands. The key demands of the ANVC, currently in ceasefire, include creation of a Garoland autonomous council on the lines of the Bodoland Territorial Council and direct funding from the Centre for the administration of the proposed council. The Centre had earlier sought the state’s views on ANVC’s demands and subsequently a high-level committee was formed to give its final views on the issue.

The ANVC had submitted its charter of demands to the Prime Minister and the home minister besides the state political leaders. However, the State Government has viewed the demand of the ANVC to have a separate council and to have direct funding from the Centre as a contentious issue, which required further deliberation. The tripartite ceasefire agreement between the Centre, State Government and the ANVC was extended by another year effective from Oct 1, adds Shillong Times.

19) GNLA:

The Shillong Times reports that Police killed a senior Garo National Liberation army (GNLA) ‘deputy area commander’ Dilseng alias Bashish on the outskirts of Nengmaldalgre village, 6 kilometers from Williamnagar in East Garo Hills District on October 18. The ‘chief’ of GNLA Sohan D Shira who happened to be with the group narrowly escaped.

20) HNLC:

Telegraph reports that the former ‘chairman’ of Hynniewtrep National Liberation Council (HNLC), Julius Dorphang and a member of the special operations team (SOT) of the Meghalaya Police, Joey Marbaniang were arrested on September 26 following the assault of a surrendered HNLC cadre on September 24.
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The Sentinel reports that Julius Dorphang, former ‘Chairman’ of the Hynniewtrep National Liberation Council (HNLC), along with Special Operation Team (SOT), assaulted a surrendered cadre of the HNLC at Paltinum Discothèque at Polo Towerson in Shillong, East Khasi Hills District on September 24. The surrendered HNLC cadre, identified as Shemphang Khalukhi, was seriously injured in the brawl.

Meanwhile, the HNLC has issued a warning to the Nepalese (Linky) in Meghalaya to refrain from activities which affect the indigenous Khasis living in the Langpih area along the Meghalaya-Assam border in the Meghalaya side. A report says that Khasi Students Union (KSU) member Michael Jyrwa (23) and his three relatives were seriously injured in an attack by four Nepalese armed with sharp weapons at Nongsohphoh, Upper Mawprem on September 24.
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The All Assam Gorkha Students’ Union (AAGSU) on September 24 registered its protest against the branding of Nepalese staying in Assam as illegal Bangladeshis, reports The Telegraph.
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The Assam Tribune reports that the Hynniewtrep National Liberation Council (HNLC) alleged that the Meghalaya Government is not sincere to hold talks with the rebel group and warned that it would continue its armed struggle. “We are not against peace. We had done our homework and had submitted a letter to the government in 2004...But the State Government is not sincere,” HNLC ‘publicity secretary’ Sainkupar Nongtraw said in an email. The reaction from the HNLC came within a week of Chief Minister Mukul Sangma saying that the Government was open to hold talks with the militant group to ensure that the issues raised by them could be addressed through constitutional means. Sangma had said that despite offering talks from various platforms, the Government was yet to get any communication from the outfit.

Tripura:
21) ATTF-NLFT:

An unofficial report said that the All Tripura Tiger Force (ATTF) Head Quarter (HQ) located at Satcherri in Bangladesh had recently fallen to National Liberation front of Tripura (NLFT) following most of the remaining ATTF militants joining hands with their rival-NLFT, reports Tripurainfo. In this regard, unofficial sources said, “The process began last year when ATTF suffered a vertical split with Sachindra Debbarma launching a coup against the president Ranjit Debbarma. Both the ATTF and NLFT were already suffering severe financial crisis and loss of manpower and hold following steady and continuous surrenders of top leaders and lower level cadres with arms”.
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The Shillong Times reports that outgoing Director General of Police (DGP) K Saleem Ali said the insurgency is still a major challenge when it comes to internal security in Tripura though it suffered a lot during the past few years. DGP further said that All Tripura Tiger Force (ATTF), one of the frontline insurgent groups is on the brink of collapse as its archrival National Liberation Front of Tripura (NLFT) had snatched away almost all weapons, according to intelligence inputs and the morale of NLFT is also very low as its cadre strength has scaled down to 100-120. However, the DGP warned that they (NLFT) are desperately trying to boost the strength by recruiting new guys during the winter keeping in mind of the next Assembly election slated for 2013. Saleem Ali further said, “We have credential inputs about the existence of around 20 hideouts in Bangladesh in spite of their efforts to flush out insurgents holed up in their soil. There are reports of procuring Bangladesh ration cards by some rebel leaders and staying there with their families”.
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Director General of Police, Tripura, K Saleem Ali on September 22 said that militants are getting themselves re-organized in Tripura with better coordination among different factions, reports The Sentinel. Ali further said that militant activities were reported recently to be more vigorous than last several months in border adjacent areas like Kanchanpur, Chowmanu, Gandacherra and Raishyabari. However, Ali stated that the insurgent groups are suffering from acute crisis of manpower since late.

22) Other connections between groups:

Union Home Ministry on October 20 said that terrorist outfits National Liberation Front of Tripura (NLFT), All Tripura Tiger Force (ATTF), United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA), National Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB) and Meitei extremist outfits of Manipur continue to have close links between themselves to carry out subversive activities, reports The Sentinel.
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Meanwhile, highly placed sources in the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) said that the Police and Security Forces in the NE should always remain alert as the Maoists always try to capitalize on mass movements to establish their roots and the entire region, of late, is facing public upsurge on different issues, Assam Tribune reports.
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Assam Power Minister Pradyut Bordoloi said the state government has proof that Communist Party of India-Maoist (CPI-Maoist) is trying to gain foothold in the Northeast by trying to organise protests against Hydel Power Projects, reports Economic Times. Bordoloi on October 7 said, "Opposing mega power projects and gaining foothold among people is the new modus operandi of Left-wing extremism. We have evidence to substantiate that Maoists are looking to make inroads in Sadiya area of the Tinsukia District". An officer with one of the intelligence agencies said the growing presence of Naxals [Left Wing Extremists] in the Tinsukia District, a stronghold of the Anti-Talks faction of United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA-ATF) and adjoining District of Arunachal Pradesh was a security concern. Maoists have initiated a recruitment drive in the area and are targeting the youth of the area. Bordoloi further said, "To counter Maoist influence, we are initiating developmental measures. We will install transmission line along the Dholla-Sadiya Bridge. This bridge over river Brahmaputra will cut down the traveling time between Assam and Arunachal Pradesh".

23) More on the PLA-maoist nexus: Linky
24) CIA-ISI nexus:

A former top brass of the Intelligence Bureau (IB), who did not wish to be named has accused the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and Pakistan’s Inter Services Intelligence (ISI) of fomenting trouble in the northeast through insurgency, reports The Times of India. He said, "The ISI-CIA combination, active in the region, is fomenting insurgency to destabilize the region". He added that the ISI was helping northeast militants to create trouble and the CIA is providing support. Both CIA and ISI are working to create terrorist groups in the world." Stating that the CIA-ISI combine was providing "logistics" to the ultras of the region, he said, "We can stop this if we go for overall development of the northeast." He said "some neighboring countries" were harboring NE militants by providing them a safe haven for setting up of training camps.

25) China connection:

China and Inter Services Intelligence (ISI) supports Peoples Liberation Army (PLA), the Manipur based outfit, in its bid to form a ‘Strong United Front’ along with Communist Party of India-Maoist (CPI-Maoist) and Kashmiri militants, reports Times of India. Officials claimed that ISI was funding PLA for supplying arms and ammunition to Maoists in the country and a "Strategic United Front" was being made to carry out attacks in India and on Security Forces in the Naxal-affected areas. An official source said, "ISI and PLA are in touch and supplying Maoists with arms. They are supposedly using China as the alternative route." The special cell of Delhi Police has learnt that the chief of the political wing of the PLA - Irengbam Chaoren - is hiding in China and is operating an arms syndicate from there. The Police have also come to know that PLA, having over 1,500 cadres, was planning to liaise with terrorist outfits based in Pakistan occupied Kashmir (PoK), including Lashkar-e-Toiba (LeT) and separatist groups based in Jammu and Kashmir and the northeast. The revelations were made by two top PLA leaders - N Dilip Singh (51) and Arun Kumar Singh Salam (36) – arrested in New Delhi. "N Dilip Singh and Arun Kumar were arrested from a hotel in Paharganj on October 1.
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Deccan Chronicle citing intelligence inputs from top intelligence agency reports that Anti –Talks Faction of United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA- ATF) ‘chairman’ Paresh Baruah received a massive consignment of arms and ammunition worth $2.5 million from China as recently as in May. The consignment includes 1,600 pieces of arms and ammunition, including AK-47s, rocket launchers, light machine guns and 800,000 rounds of ammunition were sent to Paresh Baruah from two units of National Ordinance Factory in North and South China. The consignment was loaded at South Chinese port of Beihai near Vietnam”. It was then brought to the deep sea territory of Bangladesh near Moheshkhali Island. In mid-sea the consignment was shifted to three trawlers and then further transported to Bangladesh. Sources said that two Singapore nationals carried out the job, the input further adds that these men are said to be close to arms smugglers in the region and organize transport for such activities.
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Director of Intelligence Bureau (IB), Nehchal Sandhu on September 15 formally mentioned China’s involvement in the affairs of the Northeast of India, reports The Telegraph. Sandhu in his welcome address at the conference of Directors-General of Police and Inspectors-General of Police said “This conference will review the continuing presence of (Indian insurgent) groups in Myanmar and to some extent in Bangladesh and also in respect of fresh evidence of intrusive interest of the Chinese in the affairs of (insurgent) groups (in the Northeast)”.

26) Hideouts in Bangladesh:

Outlook reports that during the biannual conference of Border Security Force (BSF) and Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB) held in Dhaka from September 25 to 30, the BSF handed over a fresh list of Indian insurgents hiding in Bangladesh to the BGB and demanded action against them even as the latter ruled out presence of rebels in Bangladesh.

27) War on the Burma front:

Nagaland Post reports that, taking a step towards closer security cooperation, Yangon, the capital of Myanmar has told New Delhi to provide satellite imagery of North East (NE) militant camps based across the border in Myanmar, so that a military operation can be launched.
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Sources said India is, however, likely to press for sustained operations against the militant outfits operating out of the border areas of the country. Several of the militant outfits including National Socialist Council of Nagaland-Khaplang (NSCN-K), United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA), National Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB), besides People’s Liberation Army (PLA), United National Liberation Front (UNLF), and People’s Revolutionary Party of Kangleipak (PREPAK), among others, maintain and operate bases in that country. The Myanmar Army had recently mounted an operation against the militant outfits and destroyed some camps belonging to NSCN-K, where ULFA had stationed their cadres.
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With Tirap and Changlang Districts of Arunachal Pradesh becoming a hotbed of militant activities, the Government has decided to launch a full scale operation in the area. Highly placed security sources told The Assam Tribune that the militants belonging to the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) normally use two major routes to enter India from the camps in Myanmar. One of the routes is through the Mon District of Nagaland and the other through the Tirap and Changlang Districts. But in recent times, the ULFA cadres are mostly using the route through Arunachal Pradesh and launching of an offensive in that area would make it difficult for the militants to maintain the shelters in the place.

Sources revealed that, both National Socialist Council of Nagaland-Isak-Muivah (NSCN-IM) and NSCN-Khaplang (NSCN-K) have strong bases in Tirap and Changlang and the militants belonging to the outfits are engaged in extortion and other illegal activities. The outfits even went to the extent of demanding money from some of the legislators of the area and in recent times, the NSCN-IM was also involved in meddling in the political affairs of the State. The outfit also reportedly tried to launch an offensive against the Jarbom Gamlin Government after the Chief Minister approached the Centre with the request to launch an offensive in the area. In addition to both factions of the NSCN and ULFA, the Left Wing Extremists groups are also trying to establish roots in Tirap and Changlang and concerned over the developments, the Government is planning an offensive in the area.
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Sentinel reports that United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) and Maoists may try to disturb the public hearing of 3000 MW Dibang Multi Purpose Project scheduled to be held on October 24.
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According to National Socialist Council of Nagaland-Khaplang (NSCN-K) sources, at least one cadre each from NSCN-K and United National Liberation Front (UNLF) were killed as their camps were heavily attacked by the Myanmar Army in Sagaing division on September 14, reports The Telegraph. “Myanmar military has carried out a midnight attack on NSCN and UNLF camps in northern Sagaing division last night,” envoy to the collective leadership of NSCN-K Kughalu Mulatonu told The Telegraph over phone from his hideout. He said at least three army personnel were killed. “Casualty would be high on the Myanmar military side,” he claimed. He said S.S. Khaplang, chairman of the NSCN-K, is still safe at his council headquarters, heavily guarded by his cadres. Mulatonu said it would take time for the military to attack Khaplang’s headquarters but in anticipation of assault the Naga outfit has also mobilised cadres in the area. He said, in June the Government of India supplied over 60 truckloads of arms and ammunition to Myanmar. The shipment of arms and ammunition were transported to Manipur. He said the Nagas may lose the battle this time but not the war. NSCN-K sources said there had been heavy mobilisation of Myanmar army in divisional headquarters in Khamfi, Namjung and Mytkhina.
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Times of India reports that in a boost for Indian security concerns, the Myanmar army launched a second offensive on September 11 in Sagaing province against various Indian militant groups, including United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA), who have their bases there. Around 250 cadres of about 10 North-Eastern militant outfits, including Anti Talk Faction of ULFA (ULFA-ATF), National Socialist Council of Nagaland-Khaplang (NSCN-K), People's Liberation Army (PLA), People’s Revolutionary Party of Kangleipak (PREPAK) and United National Liberation Front (UNLF), were present in camps at Sagaing in North Myanmar bordering India. Sources said the militant outfits have sent about 200 armed cadres as reinforcement to Myanmar.

Shambhu Singh, Joint Secretary (North-East) of the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA), said, "We haven't received any official information from the Myanmar Government. We are not sure if there is any casualty or arrests." The Myanmar Army had launched its first attack on September 7. There are reports that ULFA's mobile headquarters at Sagaing was destroyed in the attack. Unconfirmed reports said ULFA ‘commander-in-chief’ Paresh Baruah and S.S Khaplang, the former ‘chief’ of NSCN-K, managed to escape unhurt. Besides Sagaing, ULFA has three other camps in Myanmar.

28) Illegal firearms, handsets etc.:

Assam Tribune reports that illegal firearms being channeled into the North East (NE) are going to emerge as a major concern in maintaining law and order in a region already infested by dozens of insurgents and subversive groups. Apart from pistols and revolvers, semi-automatic weapons with considerable fire power are being brought into the region. At times American and European weapons have also been recovered from insurgents, which reveal the demand for high-quality firearms.

“Firearms are being brought in by several insurgent outfits on their own, or by middlemen who have contacts in Myanmar and China. Some of these are sophisticated pieces commanding good prices. These already pose a grave risk to innocent people of the region,” a senior intelligence operative said. The threat from illegal firearms is not confined to the region, as some of those can be ferried to other parts of the country. Although, it is yet to be fully corroborated, there are reports that some consignments of illegal firearms brought from across the border into the North East have found their way to the neighbouring States.
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Frequent use of illegally procured satellite phones in the North East region, calls of which can be traced by China, posed a grave threat to the National Security, reports The Assam Tribune. Although there are strong regulations for use of satellite phones in India and most of the leaders of the militant groups of the North East are using illegally procured satellite phones, while, some other influential people are also using such phones. Sources pointed out that satellite phones can be used in India only with permission from the Department of Telecommunication (DoT) and only specific type of International Maritime Satellite Organisation (INMARSAT) are permitted.