Wednesday, December 29, 2010

List of some of the Peoples of the Northeast

A partial tribal ethnography of the Northeast:
a) Arunachal: Adi, Galo, Nokte Naga
b) Assam: Assamese, Boro, Dimasa, Hmar, Karbi
c) Manipur: Kuki, Gangte, Hrangkhol, Komrem, Manipuri (Meitei), Paite, Thadou Kuki, Thangkhal, Vaiphei, Zeme Naga, Zou (Zomi)
d) Meghalaya: Garo, Gangte, Khasi
e) Mizoram: Biate, Bru, Kuki, Lai, Lushai, Mara (Lakher), Paite, Tiddim Chin
f) Nagaland: Anal (Pakan), Angami, Ao, Chang, Khiamnuingan, Konyak, Kyong (Lotha), Liangmai, Lamkang, Maring, Maram, Mao, Moyon, Monsang, Phom, Poumai, Rengma, Rengma (North), Rongmei, Sumi, Sangtam, Sema, Tangkhul, Tangsa, Thangal, Yimchungru
g) Tripura: Rabha, Ranglong

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All hail Shri PC Haldar and Terrorist groups update (December 29, 2010)

1) Let me start with some up-beat news on the Karbis: Linky

New Delhi today agreed in principle with the Karbi militant outfit United People’s Democratic Solidarity’s (UPDS) demand for an “upgraded” Karbi Anglong territorial council with more powers. The demands of the outfit was discussed in detail today in New Delhi during a tri-partite meeting between the UPDS and central and state government representatives. Finally, the Centre and the state government agreed to the formation of an upgraded territorial council in Karbi Anglong with additional departments and powers.
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Mukrang told The Telegraph after the meeting that the proposed territorial council would entrust more powers and authority to the existing Karbi Anglong Autonomous Council, which would bring the Karbi people a step closer to realising the dream of hemprek kanthim (self-rule). Their demands included a self-rule homeland, a special economic package for overall development of Karbi Anglong and a corridor connecting Bokajan and Hamren subdivisions of the hill district. Karbi Anglong Autonomous Council was formed in 1951 under the Sixth Schedule. In the initial phase, the council was entrusted with seven government departments. In 1995, the number of departments increased to 30 after signing of an MoU between the Union government and Autonomous State Demand Committee (ASDC).

Tribune adds: Linky

Assam is likely to see birth of a new political party soon as militant outfit United People’s Democratic Solidarity (UPDS) is planning to join the “political process” after the signing of the peace accord with the State and Central Governments. The state and central governments and the militant outfit have already approved the draft accord and the final accord will be signed after the draft is approved by the Cabinet Committee on Security Affairs.

Talking to The Assam Tribune, Wojeru Mukrang, joint secretary, political affairs, of the UPDS, said that the militant group would be disbanded after the formal signing of the peace accord. He said that the UPDS would then join the political process as “we would be able to ensure implementation of the accord only by joining the political process.” He said that theformal accord with the Central and State Governments is likely to be signed within January next year.

The UPDS was demanding either creation of a separate state or an autonomous state under the provisions of Article 244 (A) of the Constitution of India. But now the outfit has accepted the proposal of the Central and State Governments to upgrade the existing Autonomous Council with more legislative and financial powers. Mukrang said that earlier, the Karbi Anglong Autonomous Council did not have legislative powers and had to depend entirely on the Hill Areas Department of the State Government. But after the signing of the accord, the situation would change.

The UPDS leader said that after eight years of talks with the Government, the outfit finally accepted the proposals put forward by the Government to give more powers to the people of the hill district. However, he made it clear that the UPDS has not given up the demand for creation of a separate state or an autonomous state. He said that after joining the political process, the UPDS would raise the demand for a state in a democratic manner as there would be no clause in the accord to prevent the UPDS from doing so. Rehabilitation of the cadres would be one of the main issues before the leadership of the UPDS and the outfit would demand a special rehabilitation package from the Government.

Replying to a question on whether the KLNLF, another militant group from Karbi Anglong would accept the accord with the UPDS, Mukrang said that the UPDS is ready to talk with the KLNLF, which is already under cease-fire agreement with the Government. “The KLNLF does not want to recognize us and it is up to them to decide whether to accept the agreement between Government and UPDS.

Tribune adds more on the agreement: Linky

An achievement of sorts for the UPDS is that the State Government has agreed to hand over 65 departments to the proposed territorialcouncil. The haggling over the State government department was one of the reasons for the impasse. UPDS had sought 66 departments, including the home and Judiciary. Till yesterday, the State Government had agreed to hand over 64, but at the Thursday’s meeting, it agreed to hand over judiciary, leaving outHome Department.

More on the back-issues: Linky

In what could be the first success story for Centre’s interlocutor P C Haldar, signing of an accord with the UPDS is likely within the next couple of days, tentatively soon after the Christmas celebrations, as all the three parties have managed to narrow down their differences.
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On Tuesday, the three sides held a marathon session at a five star hotel here to iron out the differences. Those who attended the talks included Haldar, Joint Secretary (North-east) Shambhu Singh, while the State Government was represented by senior official K D Tripathi, Commissioner Jishnu Barua, Additional DG, Khagen Sarma.

2) The fall-out of the peace talks with UPDS on ANVC: LInky

The recent agreement between the Union Government and Karbi Anglong-based rebel outfit UPDS to form Karbi Anglong Autonomous Territorial Council (KAATC) has come as a morale booster to proscribed Achik National Volunteer Council (ANVC). The ANVC, which is presently in a ceasefire agreement with the Centre and the State, has climbed down over its demand for a separate State for the Garos and instead sought formation of Garo Autonomous Territorial Council in line with the Bodoland Territory Autonomous Districts (BTAD). Notwithstanding the outfit’s climbdown over its earlier demand, no headway could be made during the three rounds of dialogue held between the Centre’s interlocutor and the ANVC in the second part of this year.
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The A’chik National Volunteers Council, fighting for creation of Garoland Territorial Council in Meghalaya’s Garo Hills region, entered into a tripartite ceasefire with the Central and the State Government on July 23, 2004.

3) ULFA: Linky

Ulfa leader Anup Chetia may be handed over to India by Dhaka in January, while top Paresh Barua aide Antu Chowdang, arrested in Bangladesh, may be deported soon. Fortunately, New Delhi wields leverage that can be used at least against Barua’s aides. “Chowdang has at least one case under Section 302 IPC (for homicide) and cases are pending under several sections of the Arms Act,” a source said. According to procedure, the home ministry will send necessary papers to Dhaka for the early deportation of Chowdang to India. Chetia is serving a sentence in a Dhaka jail. The proposal for his release was sent earlier this year and a reminder sent after interlocutor P.C. Haldar and Rajkhowa finalised the involvement of Chetia in the talks.
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There have been two recent developments that could provide impetus to the peace talks process between the Centre and Ulfa. One, Ulfa leaders led by Arabinda Rajkhowa have decided to hold a meeting of the top leaders after Chetia arrives and take positive decisions. Paresh Barua’s name has not figured in their list of leaders. Two, Barua’s adamant attitude took a severe beating with the arrest of Chowdang on December 16 in Bangladesh. Chowdang was the vital “right hand” to Barua, and took care of his supplies of arms and ammunition and struck deals on his behalf.

On Anup Chetia, Tribune adds: Linky

Highly placed official sources told The Assam Tribune that the Government of Bangladesh has already agreed to hand over Chetia and the ULFA leader’s petition seeking asylum in Bangladesh has been rejected, paving the way for his deportation to India. Sources said that the Government of India is yet to decide on when the formalities for his deportation from India would be started. Sources revealed that there is no chance for Chetia to go into hiding now as he is under the “protective custody” of Bangladesh after completing his jail term. It may be mentioned here that the presence of Chetia inIndia would be vital for the peace process to start talks with the ULFA. On the other hand, ULFA commander in chief Paresh Barua, who has been adopting a hard line on the issue of talks with the Government, received another setback as the Bangladesh authorities have confirmed that the security forces of the country picked up hardcore militant Antu Chowdang along with Pranjit Saikia.

Meanwhile, Linky

Hounded by Bangladeshi security forces, Ulfa cadres are moving to Chittagong and the Myanmar border from the Bakakura areas of the neighbouring country. A senior BSF official today said there were reports of Bangladeshi security forces busting Ulfa hideouts after the arrest of Antu Chowdang, an aide of Paresh Barua, from Dhaka by the Rapid Action Battalion on December 16.

Tribune adds: Linky

RAB’s intelligence wing chief Lt Col Ziaul Ahsan, however, said the enhanced security clampdown, in line with the incumbent government’s tough policy against the presence ofIndia’s separatist elements in Bangladesh territory, nearly destroyed the ULFA network in north and northeastern frontiers, bordering Assam and Meghalaya.

And the pincer movement shall continue: Linky

India is likely to renew pressure on the military junta of Myanmar to mount a crackdown against ULFA and other rebel groups camping in the country, when the Home Secretaries of the two countries meet on Monday. The two-day 16th Home Secretary Level meeting between India and Myanmar gets under way here on December 27. Union Home Secretary GK Pillai would lead the Indian delegation, while the visiting Myanmari delegation is being led by Deputy Minister for Home Affairs U Phone Swi, official sources said. At the meeting, the Home Secretary is likely to express concern on activities of Indian insurgent groups operating along India-Myanmar border and request action against them.
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The Assam Rifles, which had been directed to check documents at the border, has proposed to raise 26 additional battalions to check the movement of militants and criminals through the porous Indo-Myanmar border, as its present strength of 46 battalions was considered ‘inadequate’. The Assam Rifles has 46 battalions, of which 15 are deployed along the 1,600-km Indo-Myanmar border.

4) NDFB: Was George Boro's arrest a back-channel diplomacy played out in the front-yard? Linky

Two top militants of the anti-talks faction of the NDFB have sent feelers for talks in the wake of Dispur’s intensified efforts to bring the rebel group to the negotiating table before the Assembly polls. The outfit’s vice-president, Rajen Goyari alias G. Rifikhang, and the commander of Boroland Army (the armed wing of NDFB) I.K. Songbijit, as well as some other senior members of the faction have sent feelers to the government for negotiation, a highly placed source said.
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“Even before his arrest, George was in touch with the government through some channels and was preparing the ground for holding peace talks,” the source said. “Rifikhang, George and Sonbijit took control of the anti-talks faction following the arrest of Ranjan Daimary in May this year. If they sit for talks, then it will be a very positive development,” he added. Daimary has reportedly told CBI officials during interrogation that he was interested in holding talks. “George is likely to discuss with Ranjan Daimary how to take the talks forward,” the source said. However, the anti-talks faction is unwilling to sit for talks with the pro-talks faction, headed by Dhiren Boro and Gobinda Basumatary, the source said. The NDFB had split into two after the serial blasts on October 30, 2008.
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According to him, the government has almost convinced the anti-talks faction to drop its demand for sovereignty and its leaders are likely to press for statehood during talks. “So far, we are moving in the right direction and if everything goes well, they will drop the demand for sovereignty and sit for talks on statehood,” the source said.

But the problem with a statehood demand is that the Bodos do NOT dominate any Hilly terrain/any district singly in Assam. So a statehood demand is going to meet fierce opposition, just like the formation of a Dima Hasao district met. Plus, the NDFB cannot stop below a statehood demand as there is a Bodo Autonomous Council already, so that type of a suggestion wont solve the issue either. I am wondering how the GoI will steer this issue without being stuck in no man's land. Elsewhere, Linky

NDFB chief Ranjan Daimary was today granted bail by the Court of Sub Divisional Judicial Magistrate, Biswanath Chariali, in connection with the Biswanath Chariali case number 151/09 related to Bhimajuli carnage, in which 12 persons were killed. Daimary was represented by advocates Manas Sarania and Sarifuddin Ahmed. Of the 10 cases pending against the NDFB chief, the court till date has granted bail in two cases.

5) Bru repatriation: Linky

Talks between pro and anti-repatriation factions of the Brus, displaced from Mizoram, will start at Kanchanpur in Tripura on Wednesday. The outcome of the talks will decide the fate of the stalled repatriation process of the displaced community.
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The Brus fled from Mizoram in 1997 and in November 2009. After the failure of several rounds of talks as well as agreement with the Bru National Liberation Front and the Bru Liberation Front — the repatriation of the community — however, started on May 21 this year after a gap of 13 years when the Union home ministry intervened. The repatriation process that started in May was disrupted once again with the arrival of monsoon. Differences cropped up within the Bru leader- ship with the expulsion of Bru leader and president of the Mizoram Bru Displaced Peoples Forum Elvis Chorkhy. The repatriation of Brus resumed on November 3. However, it was again stalled following the protests of the Forum demanding among others a written agreement for the repatriation and resettlement. The Tripura government had to deploy security forces to deal with the protests by the Forum. Chakma is visiting Kanchanpur tomorrow with the aim to start the repatriation of the Brus.

6) ATTF split: Linky

The militant All Tripura Tiger Force (ATTF) split vertically last month with the expulsion of its founder president Ranjit Debbarma, armed wing chief Chitta Debbarma and foreign secretary Rahul Debbarma. An e-mail sent to the media yesterday by the new ATTF president, Sachin Reang, who led the revolt against the top three leaders, stated that the three leaders were “charged with embezzlement of huge funds of the ATTF” during a meeting at Satcherri in Bangladesh on November 15. “But the three failed to provide any satisfactory answer. It was decided …to expel all three and hand over the mantle to Sachin who was designated the new president,” the message read.

7) A new Dimasa outfit: Linky

The Dimasa National Democratic Front, a newly raised militant outfit, was behind the abduction of two survey assistants and a cook of a seismic survey company in the Manja area under Maibong subdivision in Dima Hasao district, police said. Intelligence sources said the militant group, with strength of around 25 cadres, is led by a Dima Halam Daogah (Jewel Gorlosa) deserter, Bihari Dimasa.

8) Beating blockades in Manipur: Linky

Manipur’s main supply line is National Highway 39 (Imphal-Dimapur highway). Ibobi Singh reopened the Imphal-Jiribam highway, also known as New Cachar road (NH53), after supply along NH39 was completely stopped during the blockade. To beat such blockades in the future, the Ibobi Singh government has decided to reopen the Old Cachar road that linked Imphal and Cachar through Jiribam. On top of this, to ensure enough fuel stocks, the government is pursuing a project for setting up a fuel storage facility at Malom on the outskirts of Imphal city that could store fuel for three months. He said this was a long-term plan and the new depot would be fed by rail after the Imphal-Tupul railway line was commissioned. The present depot at Chingmeirong has only about 15 days’ storage capacity. The railway project, on the other hand, is progressing smoothly, he said.

9) On the topic of blockades, here is some counter to NSCN(IM): Linky

Six major tribal groups in insurgency-hit Nagaland have now come together to demand carving out of a separate State. The demand for “Frontier Nagaland” was raised by Chang, Konyak, Sangtam, Khiamniungan, Yimchungru and Phom communities under the aegis Eastern Nagaland People’s Organisation (ENPO). The demand is considered to be a setback for the outfits like NSCN (IM), which is now engaged in peace negotiations with the government after leading a six-decade-long bloody insurgency movement.

The NSCN(IM)’s key demand is unification of all Naga-inhabited areas comprising entire Nagaland and some areas of Manipur, Arunachal Pradesh and Assam. An ENPO delegation recently met Home Minister P Chidambaram and Home Secretary Gopal K Pillai here and placed their demand for the separate State comprising Tuensang, Longleng, Kiphire and Mon districts as well as three subdivisions of two other districts. The region has about half ofNagaland’s population – 9 lakh – and geographical area.

10) India-BD border survey: Linky

The joint survey on the Indo-Bangladesh border, which has been stalled since December 10, is likely to resume in the first week of January. Since December 10, the joint survey along the Indo-Bangladesh border by officials from land records of both countries was stalled apparently because of interference from the Bangladesh Rifles (BDR).
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So far, officials from both countries have completed the survey in Lobhacherra tea garden in Jaintia Hills, which is reportedly under adverse possession by Bangladesh. The sources also said the survey was yet to cover nine more areas under adverse possession, and these include Lyngkhat, Kurinala, Pyrdiwah, Tamabil, Amlympiang, Rongkon, Amki, Amjalong and Muktapur. The purpose of the joint survey was to know the actual ground position of the boundary dispute between the two countries, which has been continuing for decades. After the completion of the survey, maps and reports would be prepared and submitted to both India and Bangladesh for further perusal on the contentious issue.

But all that is moot when: Linky

Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh is likely to visit Bangladesh next year. The visit to Dhaka was confirmed by Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s envoy and her Economic Affairs Adviser, Dr Moshiur Rahman here today. “The visit by the Indian Prime Minister is certain and two sides will work out details about the visit including when it takes place,” the Adviser told newsmen.

11) Discipline deficit in governance issues: Linky

There is no bandh in the horizon nor a strike or protest lined up, but offices in Nagaland have remained paralysed after Christmas. Every year, Nagaland comes to a standstill after Christmas and New Year. Not only do offices are closed throughout January, even traffic on the roads is thin.
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December is a festive month that begins with Hornbill Festival, which is regarded as the festival of festivals in Nagaland. This year, the state government also hosted the second North East Agri-Expo at Dimapur from December 15 to 19 where the entire state machinery was pressed into service. “The state government lacks the will to make employees attend their offices,” a senior state government officer told The Telegraph. He said when the state secretariat itself is deserted there is no hope for other offices to function, not to talk of offices in the districts.
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Kenny said Nagaland, which has the highest number of government employees in the country, has failed to deliver goods to the people. “They are simply siphoning off government’s money without doing anything,” he added, while pointing out that when government employees in the state capital are so irregular, what would be the condition in the district-level and sub-divisional offices.

12) On the topic of governance, a round-up of Meghalaya governance issues in 2010: Linky

Sangma took over after toppling political veteran DD Lapang on April 18, after infighting within the Congress party. This is the classic cloak and dagger politics that Meghalaya’s polity has witnessed for years.

Before Sangma took over as Chief Minister, the Bangladesh Rifles (BDR) was a constant irritant, opening indiscriminate firing in the disputed Indo-Bangla border along Meghalaya from February. There has been little change in the skirmishes. The last being BDR’s disruption of the joint Indo-Bangla border survey from December 13.

In March, Meghalayans received a shocker upon realisation that some State legislators literally took them for a ride on a European junket on the tax-payers’ money, as unearthed by the CAG report. The legislators thereafter produced fake bills to claim travel expenses. Some things never change, do they? The budget was presented by Sangma as the then Finance Minister with a deficit of Rs 376 crore.

In March again, Meghalaya police learnt that one of its Deputy Superintendent of Police, Champion R Marak, actually deserted the force and floated a militant organisation – Garo National Liberation Army. The GNLA has been a constant headache for the security forces ever since with its extortions, intimidations and kidnappings. The banned Hynniewtrep National Liberation Council (HNLC) calling bandhs during Independence and Republic Day celebrations has remained unchanged.

Post April 20, if Sangma thought it would be fair winds, his political barometer failed to warn him about the impending storm. On May 14, four villagers were killed in an Assam police firing in Langpih – a disputed territory between Meghalaya and Assam. The territorial dispute is grafted as a nagging thorn in the relationship between Meghalaya and Assam for decades now.

And to speak of agitations, deficit school teachers in September went on strike demanding release of pending arrears. A month later, students from the North Eastern Hill University (NEHU) demanded a tribal VC for the University instead of Prof AN Rai.

For a change, John R Marak, a sub-inspector was sent to ten years imprisonment for rape in February. The special CBI court also sent a former Central Excise Commissioner, LR Mithran, to jail for four years for accepting a bribe in October. Traditional bodies were ordered by the High Court to furnish information under the Right to Information Act, in August.

Three village women – Fatima Mynsong, Aquiline Songchan and Malinda Suting – busted a scam of the village headman and his henchmen in Jongsha village on the shoddy implementation of NREGA scheme by filing a Right to Information application. The Shillong Chamber Choir won the finals of reality TV show India’s Got Talent Khoj 2 in October. Whatever joy or tribulation 2010 has provided, everybody would hope that things would change for the better in 2011.

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Saturday, December 25, 2010

Response to Reader: the Assam question

Mike had asked:

On this present post, could you clarify what is meant when 2018 is given as the time-line for a new separatist movement. What are the reasons, and clarification on the same will be appreciated.

Response: At the risk of being politically incorrect, let me try to answer this as brutally and as honestly as I can.

From the 2001 Census data, the Sachar Committee (Linky) reports that the Muslim population of the state of Assam is 30.9% (p. 193). Assam has 27 administrative districts. On p. 51 and p. 296, the Sachar Committee also reports that six of those districts have 50-75% of the population coming from one religion, Islam. These are Dhubri - 74.3%, Barpeta - 59.4%, Hailakandi - 57.6%, Goalpara - 53.7%, Karimganj - 52.3%, Nagaon - 51%. Apart from Jammu and Kashmir, this is by far the biggest fraction of administrative districts with >50% Muslim population in India. There are 10 such districts in all of India, 1 each from Kerala, Bihar and West Bengal, along with Lakshadweep. Four more districts in Assam have >25% but less than 50% population (Marigaon at 47.6%, Bongaigaon at 38.5%, Cachar at 36.1% and Darrang at 35.5%).

These numbers are only increasing, because of sustained illegal immigration from Bangladesh, both because of economic reasons as well as lebensraum issues. Bangladesh will continue to face serious ecological problems as global warming will continue to cause havoc on the riverine/delta terrain. Illegal immigration is not a problem faced by Assam alone; three of West Bengal's districts (Murshidabad, Malda and Uttar Dinajpur) that border Bangladesh have Muslim populations that have been skewing at a bizarre rate. (Even Delhi's population has been skewing at a bizarre rate that noone has tried to seriously understand why astronomical numbers have become the norm for Delhi's growth rate.) Even if one accounts for the geographical proximity and the Partition movement of populations, the increases cannot be explained coherently, but by using the magical wand of illegal immigration. We have already had some serious adverse possession issues between India and Bangladesh (in Muktapur, Pyrdiwah, among other places). There is massive collusion on the part of all the political parties in the state including Asom Gana Parishad and Indian National Congress for the sake of short-term electoral gains. The Assam Accord initially necessitated identifying those immigrants to Assam after 1947-48 as illegal and returning them to Bangladesh. Implementing these iron-clad conditions were extremely difficult, hence the date was switched to December 1971 for the sake of convenience and to seal the Assam Accord quickly. The National Register of Citizens (NRC) update process which is the key to implementing the Assam Accord has been bungling from one disaster to another, all at the behest of the various political parties and with the burden of proving that someone is an illegal immigrant falling at the foot of the accuser (and not the accused). While there may be serious social justice-related debating on whether the accuser should prove the crime or the accused should prove his non-culpability, the bottomline is that the already lethargic NRC update process has NOT taken off.

Further, Figure 3.3 on p. 63 of the Sachar Committee Report also shows that Assam is a state with a moderate TFR for the Muslim population (> 3.0 Total Fertility Rate, but <= 4.0). What this means is that the demography of Assam is changing, and is changing rapidly. The precarious nature of the border state means that many people openly as well as not-so-openly believe that the Indian experience of religious/communal riots and a call for Partition preceded by a call for Direct Action (a terminology that originated with the Communist movement and is in short a call for armed insurrection) could be replicated. Frantic calls for a United Banga-assam on the part of notable Bangladeshi Imams such as Maulana Bhasani, and founding fathers such as Mohammed Ali Jinnah, Hussein Shaheed Suhrawardy, etc., in the past (and the continued honoring of such people across the spectrum even today) only makes people across the border more nervous. We already see signs of an assertive Muslim community in Assam with the AIUDF under Maulana Badruddin Ajmal breaking ranks with both the INC as well as the AGP. While Muslim assertion per se is not a worry (and is actually welcome), what worries people are indicators/signs of a neo-Partition. Whether the signs that people see on the ground are actually warning bells or just the manifestation of ghost in the eyes of a seriously mauled set of peoples is something that time will tell. The 2018 figure is the predicted figure for when the demographic/religious divide will lead to calls for reappraisal of the Partition question.

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Monday, December 20, 2010

Opinion Piece and Terrorist groups update (December 20, 2010)

1) First some opinionating:

There are three post-Independence themes floating in Indian discourse, which I disagree with:

i) The insurgents are "OUR Boys", come what may. Estranged they may be, but we have to bring them to the main stream "softly" without hurting the prospects of peace. This can be seen in as different a setting as with the former Tamil Nadu CM, M.G. Ramachandran, talking to the Foreign Secretary with regards to LTTE or with the current Assam CM, Tarun Gogoi, talking to his supporters with regards to ULFA. For that matter, even the strange way with which the GoI/PMO handles Pakistan (an estranged cousin of India, so goes the plausible theoretical justification!) mirrors this sentiment. Indians love a bit of drama, both in life as well as discourse. And it should not be entirely surprising if we see yet another B/K/T/Gollywood hit on the dramatic happenstances around two estranged families/parties/villages. Where the Indian political discourse comes short on such a B/K/T/Gollywood drama is in the logical sequence that is often needed to win eternal peace, and many times that eternal peace can only be won by taking to completion the liquidation of one party to the dispute. In India, while democracy and recurring elections have brought endless hope to the teeming masses, it has also created a detriment by putting unavoidable short-term focus on ending disputes quickly. To borrow a cricketing cliche, the Indian political climate has forced the politicians to grab a draw without putting the efforts necessary to win a Test. The concomitant sobering effect is the pause on reactionary violence that is necessary to settle disputes.

ii) Yet another myth floating around is that certain regions of India share more cross-border affinities than affinities with other regions of India. This is certainly true as can be seen in the regional/vernacular discourse in Tamil Nadu/Sri Lanka, Punjab/Pakistan, West Bengal/Bangladesh, Sikkim/Bhutan, Gorkhaland/Nepal, Nagaland/Burma, and so on. While there is a certain logical argument to such cross-border affinities, the unmistakable reality is that post-Independence India and post-1947 non-Indian territories have evolved quite differently (and dramatically), and the situation on the ground is that different regions of India and their affiliated cross-border territories are in different stages of development/identity recognition/self-perception. For example, someone in Tamil Nadu might share the same language, food and/or culture with someone across the Palk Straits, but these affinities do not envelop political discourse or medium for distress-relief. Media for pressure release such as elections or the lack thereof, participation in national debate(s) of the economic/political/identity variety or its lack thereof, intra-party squabbles or lack thereof, etc., have also evolved differently. It can be (and is often) argued that sixty years is too short a time-period in human annals to erase these affinities, but such arguments fail to stand in the wake of exponentially (and needless to say, catastrophically) multiplying knowledge of self-perception and identity development, aided by even more exponentially growing advances in science and technology. The central point behind bringing this theme to the fore-front is that dispute settling (especially of the insurgent type) seems to take a local/regional perspective mirroring the mistaken belief of cross-border affinities rather than a national perspective of what such precedents could mean on an all-India scale, given the multitude of insurgencies/mutinies within India.

iii) The net effect of both the above themes is the logical conclusion that "Crime Pays, and Pays Really Well." While punishment cannot be a logical solution to any crime, even the deterring effect of a corresponding punishment for a certain crime has been mitigated by unofficial pardons/blanket amnesty schemes for the sake of overall peace. The victims of such crimes hardly ever get consulted in such blanket amnesties, championed by tall visionaries and regional behemoths. With India practicing democracy and taking immense pride in this aspect, it is certainly confusing as to why there is a complete anathema to debating such blanket amnesties in the form of a regional/local referendum. Referendums are not completely new to India either, Sylhet joined what was then East Pakistan based on the results of a referendum, while Junagadh's accession to India was confirmed via a referendum. A confusing belief that the Indian political class holds is that a popular vote in a General Elections gives them an overarching freedom to parley on behalf of the people on all subjects under the sky. While there may be a certain degree of freedom-vs-responsibility coloring to such an argument, new realities (especially of the insurgent variety) would be better handled with popular opinion rather than be left to the visions of visionaries, lest they be seen as an overindulgence, or worse capriciousness.

Some real news for a change:
2) On the topic of Crime Pays: From Linky
There has been a steady increase in kidnapping and extortion cases in Assam over the past few years despite government’s claim of improvement in the law and order situation. Even though most of the militant groups in the state have either entered into ceasefire agreement with the government or have expressed their willingness to hold peace talks, extortion and kidnapping for ransom continue to rise in the state. It is a matter of concern that not only the militant outfits but criminals and even educated youths are resorting to kidnappings and extortion to earn easy money.

The police source said most of the kidnappings and extortion in the state were being carried out by the cadres of the anti-talks faction of the NDFB. “There are also reports of cadres of the Isak-Muivah faction of the NSCN serving extortion notices in Dima Hasao district and some other places in the state. A section of the cadres of the militant groups of the state, which are currently in ceasefire with the government, are also found to be involved,” the source said.

Number of cases of extortion:
2005 433
2006 460
2007 574
2008 626
2009 645
Till June 2010 388

Number of cases of kidnapping:
2005 1698
2006 1818
2007 1893
2008 2219
2009 2719
Till June 2010 1599

More on NDFB: Linky

The NDFB, the Adivasi People’s Army and the Santhali Tiger Force were jointly involved in various cases of kidnapping and extortion recently in Sonitpur and other north bank districts.

Continuing on the same topic, Patricia Mukhim writes this: Linky

People need a little window to resist extortion. That window unfortunately has not been provided by those who are entrusted with securing peoples’ lives. Militants also scrupulously guard their space and would demolish that window of opportunity the moment it threatens to open up. Without the ability to extort, militants will die of asphyxiation. It is a simple law of supply and demand of a different kind.

Prof. Gulshan Sachdeva, an economist from Jawaharlal Nehru University who has studied the underground economy, said in 2002-03, the amount was a staggering Rs 3,500 crore. But Sachdeva admits that the figure is on the conservative side. The underground economy could be much bigger. According to the Planning Commission, about Rs 80,000 crore is poured into the region annually through various central schemes and principally for power sector investments, and if a good percentage of that money is siphoned off to militants, then we can well imagine the amount that goes to their kitty.

3) SATP reports this:

The Hindu reports that three Garo National Liberation Army (GNLA) militants, including ‘general secretary’ Gregory A. Sangma alias Jerry, surrendered before the East Garo Hills Superintendent of Police (SP) Sylvester Nongtynger at the District headquarters town of Williamnagar on December 19, after they deserted the outfit.

Sentinel adds: Linky

Earlier, Chief Minister Mukul Sangma had ruled out talks with the GNLA, but said the government would convince leaders of the outfit to surrender. Meanwhile, the surrendered GNLA general secretary claimed that more GNLA cadres would surrender citing differences in their ideology with their leaders – chairman Champion R Sangma and Sohan D Shira, the chief of GNLA’s military wing.

4) HNLC: linky

Ten years after they were declared unlawful organisations, the Centre has re-affirmed the need to carry on with the ban on the Hynniewtrep National Liberation Council (HNLC) while its counterpart the Achik National Volunteer’s Council (ANVC), currently under ceasefire, is free of the tag. A senior police official said today the HNLC was banned again as there was no change of stand of the militant outfit as far as its demands were concerned. The Centre, following the violent activities of HNLC and ANVC, had declared them unlawful organisations on November 16.

5) Karbis and UPDS: Linky

The United People’s Democratic Solidarity, a Karbi outfit, has put dissolution of the Karbi Anglong Autonomous Council (KAAC) as a precondition for laying down arms and signing of a peace accord with the government. The general secretary of the UPDS, Saiding-Eh, said today the dissolution of the council was necessary for the formation of an interim body by their nominees to oversee a substantive reorganisation of the council as per the Sixth Schedule for greater autonomy to the Karbis. “We are ready to lay down arms, give up the arms struggle and join the social mainstream, provided the present KAAC is dissolved to make way for our nominees to form an interim body of the council to manage and supervise a substantive reorganisation of the KAAC within the framework of the Sixth Schedule,” he said.

6) Blockades in Manipur by Naga groups: Linky

The Manipur government is seriously working on reopening the historical Old Cachar Road to beat blockades along the state’s existing supply routes. The move comes as the state is still reeling under the impact of the five-month-long economic blockade imposed by the United Naga Council on-and-off from April 11 till September 18 this year, disrupting the supply of essential commodities to Manipur. The Centre has accepted the state government’s proposal to revive the road as an alternative to the two existing supply lines of Imphal-Dimapur and Imphal-Jiribam highways whenever blockades are put up on these.

An official source said, “The Centre has agreed to provide Rs 84 crore to revive the road. The North Eastern Council has sought a detailed project report and the matter is with the state planning board.” The Old Cachar Road, also known as Tongjei Maril, was the only link Manipur had with the outside world during the turbulent era of the Meitei kings. It was only after the British entered Manipur that the Imphal-Dimapur highway and subsequently the New Cachar Road (Imphal-Jiribam highway) were opened.

The route is also associated with the history of fraternal feuds and treachery in the royal family. During British rule in Manipur, many English political agents had come to the state via this route. The last of the English to escape the palace rebellion in 1891 was Rose Grimwood, the wife of the then political agent who was killed during the rebellion. The road connects Imphal with Cachar district of Assam through Manipur’s Bishnupur and Tamenglong districts. The road was abandoned after the Imphal-Jiribam and Imphal-Dimapur routes were opened. The road is only 100km while the Imphal-Jiribam route is more than 220km. “The route is shorter and can be used as an alternative supply line whenever blockades stop supply along the two existing highways. We see less trouble along this route,” the official said.

7) India-BD border survey: Linky

Official sources today said that since December 10, the survey has been obstructed as Bangladeshi nationals, after being allegedly instigated by BDR personnel, have been blocking land record officials from both sides of the border from conducting the survey. “Survey in Muktapur and Pyrdiwah could not be carried out as Bangladeshi nationals, after they were instigated by BDR personnel, intruded into the areas under adverse possession,” the sources said.

8) PC's visit to Manipur: linky

Chidambaram assured delegates of Zomi Council, Kuki Inpi Manipur, Churachandpur District Students Union, Kuki Students Organisation, Zomi Students Federation and others at Khuga dam that the government had taken a decision regarding the lifting of protected area permit for foreigners visiting Manipur. “We have taken a decision on the permits. I will announce the decision once I get back to Delhi,” he said. Although Chidambaram did not give any hint about the nature of the decision, official circles here speculated that there could be some relaxation in the restrictions imposed through the system.
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Although Chidambaram had made it very clear yesterday that there was no question of redrawing Manipur’s boundary, the Zomi Council and Zomi Students Federation demanded creation of an autonomous tribal state for the state’s tribal communities. He also met delegates from various groups, including Nagas, Kukis, senior citizens of Manipur and All Manipur Working Journalists’ Union at Raj Bhavan. While he gave a patient hearing to the grievances, he refused to take questions from the journalists.

More on the above: Linky

A signature campaign against the protected area permit system, which makes it mandatory for a visiting foreigner to obtain a permit before entering Manipur, was kicked off today. Among the signatories were two ministers of the Ibobi Singh government. Tourism minister T.N. Haokip and youth affairs and sports minister N. Biren Sing participated in the campaign launched by the Local Support Group in tandem with an online anti-permit signature campaign.

Under the existing system, foreigners have to obtain protected area permits to enter Manipur. This discourages them from visiting the state, leaving little hope for development of the state’s tourism sector. After signing the campaign, Haokip said, “It’s time for the system to go. Visa should be given on arrival. Manipur’s future lies in tourism. This system is killing the tourism sector in Manipur,” he said.

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Sunday, December 19, 2010

ULFA Updates

Linky

Antu Chowdang and second lieutenant Pradip Chetia arrested in Bangladesh.

Further, Telegraph reports: Linky

Moreover, unconfirmed reports said that a senior Ulfa cadre — Pranjit Saikia — has been apprehended in Dhaka yesterday by personnel of Rapid Action Battalion (RAB), the elite anti-crime force of Bangladesh. This is the second such arrest in Bangladesh following arrest of outfit’s self-styled captain Antu Chowdang and second lieutenant Pradip Chetia in Bangladesh within this month.

Meanwhile, some points I gleaned from the Press statements and a close re-examination of the past one year of reports:
1) MHA under P. Chidambaram, Ajay Maken and G.K.Pillai has NOT been keen on letting the ULFA bigwigs go on bail. For this, the precedent has been from January 1992 when the first round of preliminary talks with a five-member ULFA delegation comprising 'general secretary' Anup Chetia and 'central committee' members Robin Neog, Kamal Bora, Siddhartha Phukan and Sabhan Saikia was held with then prime minister P.V. Narasimha Rao in New Delhi. All the five leaders were granted safe passage to attend the meeting and then allowed to leave to convince their other top leaders for the peace talks. But the delegation led by Anup Chetia jumped parole never to return. It has only been the push of CM Tarun Gogoi that has made PC reconsider his position. So if things go awry, you know who to blame.
2) What goes on from now onwards is going to be/will be determined by the ULFA Central Committee. There are/were 15 (16 by some accounts and Ramu Mech retired) Central Committee Members: 1) Arabinda Rajkhowa, 2) Pradeep Gogoi, 3) Sashadhar Choudhury, 4) Chitrabon Hazarika, 5) Bhimkanta Buragohain, 6) Mithinga Daimary, 7) Pranati Deka, 8) Raju Barua. Most of these 8 form the Political Wing of ULFA, in contrast to the Military Wing. All of them have been/will be released on bail, and the process is ongoing as I write.
3) Of the 7 remaining, Anup Chetia is in jail in BD, while Poresh Borua and Jiban Moran complete the "living" 11. Three ULFA central committee members (Ashanta Bagh Phukan, Robin Neog and Benning Rabha) have remained untraceable since the crackdown against the insurgent outfit by the Royal Bhutan Army in 2003, while another member, Robin Handique, passed away due to kidney failure in August 2005.
4) Of the Military Wing, the most potent folks that remain outside are the five top commanders of Borua: 1) Bijoy Chinese (a) Bijoy Das, 2) Jiban Moran, 3) Drishti Rajkhowa (a) Mohan Rabha, 4) Subal Mahanta, 5) Hira Sarania. Others of interest include Nayan Medhi, Pranjal Saikia, Ujjal Gohain, Dibakar Moran. Paresh Barua is believed to be in China, while, Antu Chowdang and Drishti Rajkhowa are in Bangladesh. Hira Sarania moves between Bangladesh and India and Jiban Moran is in Myanmar.
5) Some info on the various battalions:
a) 28th Battalion is Burma-based and hence operates in Upper Assam. Two out of three companies of the 28th battalion have announced unilateral ceasefire with Mrinal Hazarika, a former commander and 14 other leaders of Charlie and Alpha companies, coming out on June 24, 2008. The Bravo Company commander is Sujit Moran (said to be in not much control these days) and overall commander of the 28th battalion is Bijoy Chinese.
b) 27th Battalion: Centered out of the hilly southern district of Karbi Anglong. Mridul Kalita, the commander in charge of the 27th battalion was killed in March 2010 near Udalgiri. The 27th Battalion is commanded by Pallab Saikia (a close aide of Poresh Borua). Another top commander is Nayan Medhi.
c) 709th Battalion: Based out of districts such as Nalbari, Baksa, Chirang and Kamrup, that share a border with Bhutan. Commanded by Hira Sarania. It is believed that Sarania is closer to Rajkhowa than Borua.
d) 109th Battalion: Active in lower Assam districts, particularly in Goalpara and Kamrup. Top commanders of this battalion include Drishti Rajkhowa, Gulit Das and Pradeep Basumatary. SATP had this to say on Sept 27, 2010: "Meanwhile, sources said that the Bangladesh Government has in its custody senior ULFA leader Drishti Rajkhowa who happens to be a close ally of the outfit’s ‘commander-in-chief’ Paresh Barua. Government sources indicate that Dristi Rajkhowa could be handed over to India any day now," but this has not happened so far (to the best of my knowledge).
6) While Op All Clear is clearly noted as the operation responsible for breaking the back-bone of ULFA, it was the loss of turf due to activation of the COIN grid in Arunachal Pradesh and the subsequent clashes with NSCN(IM) that further liquidated their terrain that was clearly responsible for the coming out of the Alpha and Charlie companies of the 28th battalion.
7) There have been three terrains where ULFA had taken sustenance: Bhutan, Bangladesh and Burma. While Bhutan seems to have cleansed up, there has been some regrouping in the Lower Assam districts with proximity to Bhutan. Bangladesh is a sordid tale of much delayedness. There is no reason to hope that things would be wiped clean very quickly, it is a slow lethargic process, provided BAL returns to power again. The case of Burma is a hopeless one. There had been some activity that a joint Indo-Burma action would happen in the Kachin State that borders Arunachal Pr. and Upper Assam. More than 15 terrorist groups have taken umbrage in either the Kachin State or the Sagaing Division. But the clincher is the unofficial "Wa State" (bordering China where the Kokang incident happened) with connections to the drug trade of the famed Golden Triangle that acts as a mediator to second-hand arms trade from China as well as unofficial umbrage. Kachin State is primarily a lurking area and United Wa State Army (UWSA), which is the biggest anti-junta grouping in Burma holds the key to liquidating ULFA, along with Kachin Independence Army (KIA). Plus, there are cross-border tribal affinities between the Konyak Nagas dominated by NSCN(K) and the Tangkhul Nagas represented by NSCN(IM). While the relationship between NSCN and ULFA seems to have been strained, both groups continue to use each other's resources as needed.
8) There have been an across-the-board connection to ISI(D) and the Maoists. In fact, there have been enough news reports of Poresh Borua meeting Musharaff with the meeting arranged by Begum Khaleda Zia's government, meeting Koteswara Rao (a) Kishen, seen in Yunnan, using his Bangladeshi passport to get a Chinese visa stamp under the name Kamruj Zaman Khan, etc. In fact, the former Minister Lutfozaman Babar is in jail in the 10 truck arms haul case. While the DGFI and NSI have been implicated in the hearings, there have been enough rumours that Tareque Rahman (the elder son of BKZ) played a major role in this shipment. As of now, Tareque is in London on a medical parole on a graft charge in BD. BKZ's other son Arafat Rahman Coco is absconding in Thailand, also on a medical parole. Both were released by the Caretaker government of 1/11.
9) The "People's Consultative Group" or SJA and its leader, Lachit Bordoloi, are utterly compromised. They are open-fronts of ULFA and have been seen as such by those who matter in this complex saga. They used to operate earlier under the moniker MASS.
10) And finally, there have been precedents as to why a peace deal struck with only a select few is a bad proposition. Shillong Accord is number one in this long-unending set of Exhibits. Somehow, CM Gogoi has been itching to make some progress on peace talks (with electoral motives in the back of his mind perhaps!), hence the hurry. Even if peace is struck with the Central Committee Members out now, Poresh Borua has an extensive matrix of connections to the worldwide Islamist movement and there is no reason to hope that others (BD, Pakistan or China) will want sanity to prevail in Assam. Plus, ULFA is not even a globally representative body of Assamese opinion, especially with the Bodos and Dimasas claiming their own bodies that are in different stages of truce with GoI. Even otherwise, ULFA is a compromised entity in Assamese opinion, especially with its loosening on the critical illegal immigration issue from BD and its extensive victim profile that includes children and women. As one well-informed commentator gave 2018 for a new separatist movement in Assam, I do not have great hopes for any self-sustaining peace, for which the prime exhibit would be Mizoram.

Let the Games begin!

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Tuesday, December 14, 2010

Updates (December 14, 2010)

1) NDFB: On George Boro's arrest: Linky

Top NDFB (anti-talk) leader B Jwangkhang alias George Boro, a prime accused in the October 30, 2008 serial blasts who was detained in Aizawl by a joint team of Assam Rifles and Information Bureau on Friday, was brought to Guwahati this morning (December 12).

Then: Linky

Self-styled deputy commander-in-chief of banned NDFB B Jwangkhang alias George Boro and his body guard S Baglari was today produced before the Court of Special Divisional Judicial Magistrate, Kamrup where the duo was remanded to 14 days police custody. The custody was permitted on the strength of Basistha police station case number 439/10, which relates to an extortion demand of Rs 20 lakh. The money was demanded from Jatin Kalita, a city-based business by a caller who had identified himself as a platoon commander of the banned outfit. B Jwangkhang is one of the accused in the case, the FIR related to which was filed on August 27 this year with the Basistha police station.

Telegraph adds: Linky

Boro’s family, including his mother Nilima Boro, were present on the court premises. Boro who hails from Guduligaon in Baksa district did his Masters in English from Pune University before joining the NDFB in 2005.

2) ULFA talks: Linky

The 28 battalion of United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA) has extended its full support to the proposed peace talk between the ULFA and the Centre. Self-styled commander of the battalion, Bijoy Chinese alias Bijoy Das, in a statement issued to the press, favoured peaceful solution to the three-decade-old conflicts through dialogue. Chinese reiterated that his battalion would only extend direct cooperation to the proposed talks if it would be held in a conducive and honourable atmosphere.
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It may be recalled that the self-styled deputy commander of the 28th Battalion of the ULFA, Lieutenant Haren Phukan also issued a similar statement a few days back.

3) What are they going to do about GNLA now?: Linky

The fledgling Garo National Liberation Army (GNLA) has started to bare its fangs and has sent an extortion demand to a sitting Garo Hills legislator yesterday. Sources said a Garo Hills legislator received a call from a person identifying himself as a GNLA cadre on Sunday and demanded Rs 50 lakh. “The legislator is obviously in a state of shock and is consulting his party men,” said the sources.
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Meanwhile, sources said most of the Garo Hills legislators are apprehensive of travelling in the interior parts of Garo Hills districts fearing for their safety. They say the present government has failed to maintain law and order in Garo Hills by being unable to crackdown on GNLA, still a group of riff-raff.

4) PC visit to Manipur: Linky

He will then head for Churachandpur district where he will visit the designated camps of the 19 Kuki militant outfits, which signed the suspension of operations. The construction of the camps is almost complete and the militants have moved into them. The home minister’s visit to the designated camps is expected to herald the start of a political dialogue that the 19 Kuki militant groups are pressing for. The have been demanding the creation of a Kuki homeland (state) under the purview of the Constitution. Chidambaram is expected to get first hand information about the aspirations of the Kuki groups when he meets them.

5) NC Hills scam: Linky

The role of former Governor of Assam Lt Gen (Retd) Ajai Singh in the financial scam in North Cachar Hills Autonomous Council has come under scanner as the records recovered during investigations by different agencies proved that he had given orders for payments directly and in one case he violated the financial rules by issuing an instruction directly to a bank manager. In one of the letters written by the Additional Secretary to the Governor, a bank manager was instructed to honour four drafts and official sources pointed out that there was no reason for the Governor to get involved in such a case and issue orders directly to a bank.
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The special audit report of the AG also pointed out that expenditures amounting to around Rs 8 crore for special projects under the Agriculture Department of the Council could not be audited as the records relating to the projects were taken away by the Additional Secretary to the Governor. Those, along with some other records, were retained by the Governor’s secretariat and the same could not be audited during the special audit carried out by the office of the AG as per the instructions of the Central and State Governments and no one is sure where the money was spent. It is also alleged that RH Khan, one of the main accused in the financial scam, was allowed to use the helicopter allotted for the use of the Governor on several occasions and “security threat” was cited as the reason for the same.

Meanwhile it is rhetoric time: Linky

Former Assam Chief Minister Prafulla Kumar Mahanta today said that the State Government was not cooperating with the Enforcement Directorate in the money laundering case against DHD-J leaders Niranjan Hojai and Jewel Garlosa in order to hush up the Rs 1,000-crore NC Hills scam.

6) NRC update: Linky

The amendments proposed are in respect of inclusion of an additional section 5 (B) in the Citizenship Act that provides protection to a displaced person who took shelter in India any time due to civil and religious disturbances from Bangladesh and Pakistan. The amendment, he added to say, is also being sought in regard to section 2 of Foreigners’ Act of 1946 to accommodate a displaced person as a citizen of India. The Supreme Court, it is to be recalled, while scrapping the IM(DT) Act has ruled that action against illegal foreigners could be carried out under Foreigners’ Act of 1946, Foreigners’ Tribunals of 1964 and Immigrant Expulsion Act of 1950. Nishitendu Chowdhury pointing out at the declining Hindu population in Bangladesh expressed his grave concern, calling it a subtle ethnic – cleansing, not in any way different from that of Cyprus where the dominant Greeks are being gradually and systematically swamped by invading Turks. “If this trend continues,” he apprehended, by 2050, Hindu population would be wiped out in Bangladesh. In 1961, Hindu population in Bangladesh was 18.5 per cent which has come down to nine per cent only in 2010, according to the UNDP.
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Prof Partha Sarathi Chanda articulating his views described the plight of Bengali Hindus in Assam as ‘of serious concern’ as many Hindus, uprooted from Bangladesh, and even with valid documents have been either sent to detention centres or pushed back to the other side of the fence. He cautioned if the Centre and State remained indifferent to the problem, a repeat of 1947 like situation could not be ruled out. He at the same time dubbed the exercises by Foreigners’ Tribunals, formed at the cost of huge public exchequer, as futile. Advocate Anil Chandra Dey of Silchar Bar called for immediate halt to the harassment of Hindus.

7) Crazyyy addiction: Linky

A source in New Bongaigaon said apart from taking drugs, sleeping tablets and cough syrups, youths widely inhale adhesives like dendrite and quick fix. There are at least 4,000 drug addicts in Bongaigaon district but it is not known how many youths and minors, including girls, are addicted to dendrite and quick fix, the source said. Ajoy Bose, the secretary of Pragati Sangha, an NGO based at Bhaolaguri near New Bongaigaon Railway Station, said they have been campaigning against drug abuse by creating awareness and motivating youths to discard drugs.

8) Some job for Dato Seri Samy Vellu: Linky

Samy Vellu (74), until recently president of the Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC), will be Malaysia's Special Envoy to India and South Asia for Infrastructure with effect from New Year's Day 2011. Announcing his appointment, while releasing his biography at a function in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak praised Samy Vellu for his “connection” with the South Asian countries. “Many Malaysian companies will benefit from his role as a Special Envoy on Infrastructure,” said Mr. Najib. Mr. Samy Vellu has held infrastructure-related portfolio in successive Cabinets for 24 years, besides presiding over the MIC for 31 years. Mr. Samy Vellu would have an office in the Prime Minister's Department and report directly to Mr. Najib.

9) SATP declares:

The Unified Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist (UCPN-M) declared Sindhupalchowk, Rasuwa and certain parts of Nuwakot Districts as Helmu autonomous region on December 13, reports Kantipuronline. UCPN-M leader Posta Bahadur Bogati made the announcement amid a function at Helambu in Sindhupalchowk. He added the region will be part of the party’s Tamsaling autonomous state. “The declaration is a protest amidst the uncertainty over whether or not the new statute will be drafted,” said Bogati. Tamsaling region in-charge Agni Sapkota said the autonomous state was declared in order to establish the right to autonomy and self-determination. As reported earlier, the UCPN-M has declared 11 autonomous regions before.

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Sunday, December 12, 2010

Updates (December 12, 2010)

1) NDFB key catch: Linky

Security forces have apprehended the self-styled deputy commander-in-chief of the anti-talks faction of National Democratic Front of Boroland (NDFB) George Boro alias John alias B. Jwangkhang, a key accused in the October 30, 2008 serial blasts, from Mizoram. The most wanted NDFB leader, who hails from Guduligaon in Baksa district, has been named in the chargesheet filed by the CBI in connection with the serial blasts. A cash reward had been announced for information leading to his arrest.
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Though an official source in Mizoram said he was nabbed by AR from Indo-Bangladesh border on Wednesday night, another source close to NDFB claimed that Boro was picked up from a hotel in Aizawl by AR troops at around 7.30 pm yesterday. Following the arrest of Ranjan Daimary in May this year, George Boro along with two other leaders of the outfit — Rajen Goyari alias Rifikhang and Arun Borgoyary alias Dinthilang — were trying to regroup the anti-talks faction of the NDFB.
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The “arrest” is being seen as part of the initiative to get things moving on the talks front. “In such a situation the arrest was necessary as that would bring him to jail where he can discuss the nittygritty with his leader Ranjan Daimary as had happened with the Ulfa leadership who have held discussions among themselves and also with government officials within the jail on how to take talks move forward,” the source said. George’s arrest is the latest in line of senior militant leaders getting nabbed from along the Indo-Bangla border starting with Ulfa chairman Arabinda Rajkhowa last year and Daimary this year.

2) Breakway faction of GNLA: Linky

Four militants of the breakaway faction of the Garo National Liberation Army, including its leader, were killed during an encounter with police in East Garo Hills district today. Five militants were arrested while at least one managed to escape with a bullet injury.
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However, while Jokin Momin, the leader of the group, was being arrested along with five others, another group of at least four suspected militants of the breakaway faction arrived at the spot in an auto-rickshaw and started firing indiscriminately. Momin, who was with the GNLA during its formation, had also conducted operations against the police in the past. A few weeks ago, he and a few other cadres deserted the GNLA after they were unhappy with the style of functioning of the outfit’s chairman, Champion Sangma, and the commander-in-chief, Sohan D. Shira. Police sources said the breakaway group of the outfit was in the process of giving a name to the group after procuring arms from an Assam-based militant group.

3) DHD pro-talks faction: Linky

The pro-talks faction of the DHD met the Centre’s interlocutor for peace talks, P.C. Haldar, in New Delhi today on the demand to upgrade their district into “a mini state within a state”. Nunisa today said over the phone that his team would reiterate its demand for the amalgamation of the Dimasa-inhabited areas in the Assam districts of Cachar, Nagaon and Karbi Anglong and also in some portions of Dimapur
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The army and the police, engaged in a combing drive in the district to trace the nine persons who were abducted from three places since Saturday, are yet to make any breakthrough. Significantly those kidnapped were the relatives of the Dima National Democratic Front (DNDF) chief Bihari Dimasa and its army commander Lailung Dimasa. Sources in Dima Hasao said such the abductions were masterminded by the outfits opposed to DNDF in a retaliatory move. DNDF chief Bihari Dimasa left the DHD (Jewel) group in a huff, protesting against the ceasefire agreement between the Jewel Gorlosa group and the state government.

4) ULFA talks: Linky

Leaders of the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA), who are in favour of talks with the government, are trying to get in touch with the members of the outfit camping in Myanmar to persuade them to join the proposed peace process. A few pro-talk members of the ULFA also reportedly went to Myanmar with the knowledge of the government, highly placed security sources said. Sources told The Assam Tribune that the phase wise release of the senior leaders of the ULFA on bail created a major impact among the rank and file of the outfit and if the peace process starts as expected, a majority of the members of the outfit are expected to join the process. Sources said that apart from Jiban Moran and Bijoy Chinese, the other senior leaders of the ULFA, who are yet to express desire to join the peace process, include Antu Chowdang, Drishti Rajkhowa and Nayan Medhi. Antu was in Bangladesh till recently but his whereabout is not known now.
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However, as per intelligence inputs, the cadres of the ULFA in Myanmar are in a confused state of mind as they are still not sure whether to follow the pro talk members or the commander-in-chief Paresh Baruah, who is still maintaining a hard line on the issue of talks with the Government. The leaders having the responsibility of looking after the camps are also not keen on sending cadres to Assam as several of them surrendered after they were sent back to the state with specific tasks.

5) BD closer to Tripura: Linky

The Bangladesh visa office, started here in 1973 within two years of the country’s emergence as a sovereign nation, is all set to be upgraded to a deputy high commission. The issue had cropped up during the two-day visit of Bangladesh external affairs minister Dipu Moni on November 10-11 and she had promised to look into the matter but a decision in principle has already been taken.

Sentinel adds: Linky

Mondal said Bangladesh also expected to increase its volume of export to Tripura to Rs 300 crore during the current financial year. He said that in 2007-08, Bangladesh had exported goods worth Rs 84.15 crore to Tripura and imported commodities worth Rs 1.51 crore from the State. Northeastern states like Tripura, Meghalaya and Assam export commodities like limestone, tea, machine parts, fruit and coal to Bangladesh and import cement, stone chips, bricks, Hilsa fish, dry fish, edible oils, readymade garments and furniture from the country.

All the while, there is the Tin Bigha footbridge issue: Linky

Political parties cutting across their affiliations have opposed the construction of an elevated footbridge over the Tin Bigha corridor for which the Centre has given the go-ahead. The corridor connects the Bangladeshi enclave of Angrapota-Dahagram with the mainland.
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He said the people of the area would not tolerate the Bangladeshis using the Tin Bigha corridor, while the Indians used the footbridge. “We are also going to oppose the proposal of keeping the corridor open for 24 hours,” he said. At present, the corridor remains open from 6am to 6pm.

Meanwhile, BKZ builds her own bridges: Linky

Opposition leader Khaleda Zia is going on a six-day tour to China from December 18. "BNP chairperson will be visiting at Chinese Communist party central committee's invitation," Khaleda's press secretary Maruf Kamal Khan told bdnews24.com on Friday. "She will be staying there as a state guest." She will be meeting Communist Party central committee members on December 19, 20 and 21. "They will discuss issues of common bilateral and regional interests," Maruf Khan said. Khaleda is scheduled to return December 23. Her last tour to China was in 2006 as the prime minister.

6) The travails of the NRC update: Linky

Dispur has made more than a “few changes” in the application form one has to fill up and submit to get enlisted in the National Register of Citizens in a bid to make the process “simple and convenient”. Along with the changes in the form (see chart), the Bhumidhar Barman-headed cabinet sub-committee, which was set up to make the process simple, has included ration card as a document of proof but with a rider that it has to be for the period upto March 24, 1971.
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Sources today said the “simplified” forms had been circulated to AAMSU and All Assam Students Union (AASU) a couple of days ago for their response by December 13. Though the cabinet sub-committee is understood to have met the concerns of all sections, especially AASU and AAMSU, the AASU might take some time to respond given its stand that “change in the form will only help illegal Bangladeshis to get enlisted in the NRC”. “Dropping the place of birth could be a ticklish issue because the objective of updating the NRC was to ensure that only Indians got included. Certain quarters may see the simplification of the process as dilution of the process,” a source said.

More on the travails: Linky

Dispur appears to have got into a damage-control mode after the furore over dropping of the column on place of birth in the simplified National Register of Citizens (NRC) application form with chief minister Tarun Gogoi today saying that no final decision had been taken. The AASU and the BJP have flayed the government for tinkering with the form on the ground that it would only help illegal Bangladeshis get enlisted in the NRC which is being updated. Even the Mujammil Haq group of AAMSU has criticised the government saying it should retain the place of birth clause.

7) It is not only Nepal that acquiesced: Linky

"As of now, our position is not to attend the ceremony," Sri Lankan Media Minister Keheliya Rambukwella told reporters. "We are not the only country that took up that position, there are lots of countries that are not attending the event," he said.

WSJ adds: Linky

One diplomat from Sri Lanka initially told The Wall Street Journal that its embassy in Oslo was sure to send someone "if nobody had a cold," but later said that no one would attend, saying: "We are a small country and China is now our friend."

8) AFSPA in Manipur: Linky

He said his government would recommend withdrawal of the act to the Centre once the state forces could deal with the situation. “The state government does not want to keep this act even for a second. It is because of this it defied strong instructions from the Centre and withdrew the act from the Imphal Municipal limit in 2004. But the situation in the rest of the state is not conducive to withdrawal of the act entirely,” Ibobi Singh said while addressing a Congress conference at Thangmeiband Assembly constituency here.

9) Meanwhile in Nepal: Linky

Continuing their policy of obstructing Indian investors, Nepal’s former Maoist guerrillas on Saturday trained their guns on yet another Indo-Nepal joint venture, threatening to bring it to a halt. The Government of Nepal had awarded the licence to Green Ventures Pvt Ltd, founded by IIT alumnus KR Krishnan, along with his Nepali partner, to survey the 120-MW Likhu 4 hydropower project that is sprawled over two districts in eastern Nepal, Okhaldhunga and Ramechhap.

The government is expected to ink a fresh agreement with Green Ventures, giving it the go-ahead to develop the project. However, on the eve of the new contract, the Ramechhap wing of the Maoists, who are now the largest party in parliament, issued six demands on Saturday, warning they would stop the project if these were not fulfilled. A statement signed by “Kushal”, who called himself the secretary of the Maoists’ district committee, said the project went against the right of locals to their own natural resources. The former rebels are demanding that residents be given five per cent of the shares free and another 20 per cent be reserved for local participation. The districts should also be paid royalty and the power generated would first have to be given to the two districts at the cheapest tariff. Only the surplus power can be sold outside. The rebels are also demanding jobs for locals as well as infrastructure development in the areas of health, education, transport, drinking water supply and irrigation. The fresh threat comes after the Maoists last month produced a hit list of hydropower companies, of which over a dozen were Indian companies and JVs.

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Saturday, December 11, 2010

Defending Shri. Rakesh Sood and the MRP scandal in Nepal

Fake Wikileaks may have been used by Pakistan to spread mal-information about India. However, just like the shoe-throwing on Bush saw a few imitations, this fake Wikileak mission is also seeing some clones. Sankarshan Thakur of the "deciphering Laloo Yadav" fame had posted a report on The Telegraph, essentially dissing the Indian Ambassador to Nepal, Shri. Rakesh Sood. The Nepali media, waiting for a morsel in these hard-pressed times, ran with that lead (see Footnote 1) Linky 1 and Linky 2.

The MEA in response to these reports came out with a curt reply, which was also reported in The Telegraph. Now, not discounting the possibility that Sankarshan Thakur had access to some diplomatic sources, it is not hard to defend Shri. Sood's Ambassador-ship and India's actions in Nepal.
1) Telegraph reports that:

“He is a viceroy-style interventionist with little regard for diplomatic norms, he often behaves as if Nepal were his protectorate,” Mohan Vaidya “Kiran”, a top Maoist leader, had told The Telegraph during the raging row over the Nepal Army chief which eventually led to Prachanda’s premature resignation as Prime Minister.

Response: Yet, it is the same Mohan Baidya Kiran who launched a vituperative and hatred-filled monologue on India in the recently concluded Palungtar plenum. How come Mohan Baidya Kiran's tirade against Shri. Sood is par for the course while his equally vicious remarks on India are not reported? It is a well-known secret that a section of the Maoists rank and file see India as the number one enemy, as witnessed by one political line at Palungtar. It really does not matter whether Shri. Sood was an interventionist or otherwise, whatever he would have done would have been seen as evil. Period.
2)

Nepali domestic politics --- and the peace agreement between the Maoists and “mainstream” parties --- has remained deadlocked since Prachanda’s resignation, and many believe Sood to be a prime factor.

Response: The stalemate in Nepal has little to do with Shri. Sood or India. It is more of a show of force of the Maoists against the other democratic forces. What the Maoists could not obtain via democratic means, they would like to obtain via violent means. In fact, Prashant Jha writes on the Palungtar plenum:

In 2005, the Maoists decided at Chunbang that their immediate aim was a ‘Democratic Republic Nepal’. Their Kharipati meet in 2008 declared that the objective was to draft a constitution for a ‘People’s Federal Democratic Republic’ (PFDR). That aim persists, though many leaders at Palungtar used an alternative nomenclature – ‘People’s Federal Republican Nepal’. Chunbang led to consensus and Kharipati sharpened the polarisation. How Palungtar will play out in large depends on how far the Maoists push their political project.

Broadly, this is how the Maoists define PFDR Nepal – an executive presidency; federalism with nationality as a prominent basis; secular state; ‘democratisation’ of the Nepal Army; ‘first rights’ to local communities; ‘revolutionary’ land reform; and eventually, restricted multiparty political competition where ‘feudal and pro-imperialist’ parties will not be allowed to operate. The Maoists hope this framework would give the ‘people’ (read the party) a firm hold over the state, and break existing structures and nexus that govern policy. But intention is one thing and capacity, especially under the prevailing balance of power, another. A brief review reveals why this model provokes opposition from different sources and is not possible.

That is that, there are no ifs and buts to this story. Prachanda's resignation had more to do with his peeve that he could not enforce Shri. Rukmangad Katwal's resignation, which made him lose face. This ill-fated intervention by Prachanda in the working of the Nepal Army was opposed by everyone including the Nepali Congress and CPN(ML), let alone the former King. So what does India have to do with this story? Whether Jhalnath Khanal changed his mind on Katwal's resignation or otherwise, India has no locus standi on this. The bottomline on Katwal's sacking is that:

He has been fiercely resisting group integration of Maoist rebels into the National Army and has been at odds with Maoist government on several other issues.

Not only the Nepal Army, but almost every other party in Nepal, whether it be the Nepal Congress or the CPN(ML) or even the Terai-Madhes parties, have some issue or the other with the integration issue. In fact, the Maoists by letting the UN Mission to set up office in Nepal implicitly (as well as explicitly) agreed that this would be a major sticking point in impasse-reduction. Blaming India for the stalling of the peace process is like ignoring the elephant in the room. If Nepal was all hunky-dory, and all the parties involved in its internal debate are interested in the stakes of Nepal, and not that of China (as one section of the Maoist rank and file show occasionally), then India would have no problems in extricating itself from the goings-on inside Nepal.
3)

Many find it not strange that he is the first Indian ambassador to Nepal to have had his effigies burnt on the streets; last month, during a trip to northern Nepal, he also became the target of a shoe flung in his face. It missed, but it described the low trajectory of Sood’s image in the country.

Response: Anyone with a bare enough understanding of the stages of a Red Revolution will understand that dissing and spreading propaganda are par for the course in the maoist/leftist annals, whether it be an internal debate or an external tirade. There was an attempt to throw a shoe on Shri. P. Chidambaram, some Judges of the Supreme Court of India, Justices Arijit Pasayat and Ashok Kumar Ganguly of the Supreme Court, Justices A.V. Sawant and P.D. Upasani of the Bombay High Court, Shri. Naveen Jindal, Shri. L.K. Advani, and even Shri. Manmohan Singh. Internationally, similar attempts have been made on George Bush, Wen Jiabao, Benny Dagan, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, Asif Ali Zardari, etc. If the orchestrated attempt at calumny on the part of Maoists is the low-point of Shri. Sood, can the same be said for Indian politicians? So why are the Home Minister and the Prime Minister not getting the sack for their policy decisions?
4)

A few months ago, he prevailed upon Indian corporate interests to stop advertising in “Kantipur”, Nepal’s largest media group, because its journalism had displeased him. It is also alleged he tried to turn the screws on Kantipur by putting a squeeze on newsprint supplies from India. It was only after the issue became public that restrictions on Kantipur were eased.

Response: Not much has been said about the conflict of interest in Kantipur and its skewedness of reporting and its orchestrated attempts to malign India. This is what the Hindu opinionated, in a sense of journalistic camaraderie:

While Kantipur’s dilemmas are understandable, its recent coverage does have traces of national chauvinism and appears opportunistic, linked to the advertisement embargo. While keeping big business — both domestic and Indian — to account, it should be careful and responsible enough not to tarnish companies whose contribution to manufacturing, trading, employment, and revenue is important to the Nepali economy.

Even while agreeing with the Kantipur version of the tit-for-tat, some problems remain. How come the feud between Kantipur and the Indian embassy become the central object of attention by everyone in Nepal, especially when there are more serious issues such as the stalemate on electing a Prime Minister, stalemate on the Constitution writing process, stalemate on integration of the Maoist cadre with the Nepal Army, meeting the various critical deadlines as agreed to in the 12-point agreement, etc.? How come the whole political class gets effectively snubbed by this one story while the fact that the country as such is NOT running is not cause for any serious snubbing? How come Nepal became synonymous with Kantipur?

The rhetorical reponse always to this is:

But, but India is the bigger part of the picture. You see, India created a trade blockade, changed the government at will, sheltered rebels, sustained monarchy, pushed out monarchy (some of it was his own doing), let a rebel with an army rule the country, are stopping them from coming to power...

This is exactly the cop-out, and in this regard Nepal is synonymous with Sri Lanka, blaming India for every one of their problems. "Taking charge of one's own destiny by electing an effective government" is a phrase that is seemingly absent in the Nepali lexicon. Why did the Nepalis not give an effective mandate to either party that contested the 2008-09 elections? Was it because the political class was inept that the Nepalis did not find favor with any of them overwhelmingly and hence, threw their votes in some random fashion, or was it because evil, big bad India yet again interfered with the poll process? Let me help in one logical sequence of this cop-out: the fact that the Nepali political class, cutting across party-lines, is corrupt should be a blame shared by India. The fact that the former King threw his tantrums at random and did not want a political class that could sustain itself is a blame that should be shared by India, of course. The fact that Nepal is land-locked and hence dependent on India is a blame to be shared by the evil India which let the Himalayas sandwich Nepal between itself and China. The fact that India should not demand an equal sensitivity for Indian security interests, in return for lifting of the embargo, is of course an anathema to international legalistic happenstance. If such an act happens in the United States, or with China, that is par for the course, while if it happens with India, India is evil, evil, EVIL (please add an accompaniment of a melliflous haunting tune).

When will Nepalis, both the political class as well as its people, take charge of their own destinies? It is a matter of life that everyone will try to further their own interests rather than work in a philanthropic way for others, whether they might share the same culture or religion is immaterial. India and Nepal are tied at the hip, but Nepal is a country of its own. With that knowledge, India has helped Nepal as much as it can by opening up its country to Nepalis, investing in those avenues which will lead to profit for its own benefits, etc. It is a symbiotic existence, but everyone has to take care of themselves too. The short border to Bangladesh will soon be opened up to hook into the Indian economic engine and the growth story. Yet, despite all that, it is a matter of fact that the Nepali political class as well as its media find India to be an able interlocutor of their own problems instead of resolving these problems on their own. With this mindset, companies such as Kantipur often complain when the interlocutor does not bat for them as if all the onus is on India to mediate on behalf of everyone inside Nepal. It is for the people of Nepal to unsheath such capitalistic traits and not be taken over by selective rhetoric.
5)

Sood was also backing a rather unsavoury Indian bid to grab the contract for machine-readable passport technology, for which Nepal had floated an international tender. The Indian quotation, it is learnt, was higher than several Nepal had received but Sood still wanted the job for India. He went so far as to put the Indian demand in writing to foreign minister Sujata Koirala; the letter was later leaked to the Nepali media, to some embarrassment for New Delhi.

Response: The last has not been said on this issue. After the Maoists- and Kantipur-sponsored ruckus, the Machine Readable Passport (MRP) deal was given to Oberthur, a French company. In fact,

Oberthur has offered to supply MRP at US$ 3.59 per copy (the earlier Indian bid was for US$ 4 per copy), including the personalisation system, technical support and others. As per the bidding documents, the French firm has to provide 400,000 MRP copies as its first consignment within 70 days of its agreement with MoFA. The reason for this rush is that Nepal missed two previous deadlines to embrace the smart passport owing to differences among top officials over the deal to print and supply it. Upon the government’s request, the International Civil Aviation Organisation (ICAO) had extended the deadline to January 1, 2011 upon the government’s request. After this date, MoFA cannot distribute the hand-written passport currently in use. Three other companies – the UK’s De La Rue, Indonesia’s Perum Peruru and Singapore’s Three M Technology—were also vying for the bid.

In addition Herald reports this:

However, now with the new contractor to be decided by Nepal's foreign ministry this week, there are allegations of kickbacks. Two of the other competitors, Britain's De La Rue and Indonesia's Perum Peruri, Monday filed complaints with the foreign ministry about the French company's offer, saying it does not meet the specifications laid down in the bid documents.

ToI adds:

Under normal circumstances, complaints against bids makes it mandatory for the bid to be re-evaluated. However, in this case, Nepal's foreign ministry officials rode roughshod over the complaints and awarded the contract to Oberthur.

I digged up more on what action the MoFA took on allegations of wrong declarations. This is what I discover:

The two competitors — Indonesia-based Perum Peruri and UK based security printing firm De La Rue — had claimed that the bid winner Oberthur had offered a non-compliant printer technology, besides producing fake user certificates while presenting the bidding documents needed to supply MRP to Nepal. According to an email provided by Perum Peruri, the Korean Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade had not undertaken any job with Park and OPC Co for personalisation of printers as claimed by Oberthur Technologies. It has proposed to use products of Park and OPC Co for personalisation of passports and has also submitted the user certificate from Korea.
...
The ministry had dispatched the documents to the concerned authorities abroad through the respective Nepali missions at Seoul and New Delhi and had also inquired of the Kathmandu-based Japanese and Korean embassies. MoFA had requested them to verify the authenticity of the documents submitted by Oberthur Technologies—the lowest bidder of the global tender for the multi-million dollar bid to provide MRP. With no response from the concerned authorities with regard to verifying the documents in question, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MoFA) today decided to go ahead with its decision to award the French firm the contract to print and supply Machine Readable Passports (MRP). “We didn’t receive any response, either positive or negative from the embassies where we had sent the documents submitted by the bid-winner Oberthur Technologies till the end of our five-day deadline,” said Mukti Nath Bhatta, Chief of Protocol of MoFA, adding, “So we decided to go ahead with our earlier decision to award the global tender to the lowest bidder—Oberthur Technologies.” The secretary-level decision of Dr Madan Kumar Bhattarai was made as per the Public Procurement Act (PPA).

Talking to journalists, Bhatta said he didn’t know what to do if the ministry received a response later, since the PPA was silent about that provision. Bhatta said, as per the PPA, the ministry has already informed two companies that had filed complaint about the ministry’s decision. He said the two companies could challenge the decision at the Public Procurement Monitoring Office (PPMO) in the next seven days if they are not satisfied with the decision.

ToI also adds:

Though the Indian company did not take part in the earlier bid process, yet its offer, in retrospect, was the most beneficial for Nepal. India had offered to train Nepali personnel to print the personalisation details so that they would have remained confidential. However, the new contract says Oberthur would have access to such details, which would pose a threat to Nepal's national security. From India's point of view, the job by the Indian company would have ensured additional security features in the Nepali passports that would have made them difficult to forge. Hundreds of Nepali passports are stolen, get lost or are faked every month and India fears they could be used by terrorists to enter India and mount operations against Indian targets.

More on the personalization issue from here:

Under the new provisions in the tender, the contracting party will not only own, control and maintain the equipment and software for personalization of the passports for five years till the contract term expires, it will also exclusively handle the digitized personal information for printing the passport, which poses serious threat to national security. The contracting party will be handed over the personal information of the passport holders by the Nepalese officials who will be doing the clerical work of receiving the applications and feeding-in the personal information. The government will have no control if this information is misused by the contractor to the detriment of the passport holders, and can even have serious consequences for the national security.

The earlier deal with the SPMCIL was only for the supply of blank passports, and the personalization to be done by the Foreign Ministry staff themselves. The Government of India would have provided the equipment, software and the source code to the Government of Nepal and trained the Foreign Ministry officials for carrying out the personalization. The Government of Nepal would have fully owned, controlled and maintained the equipment right from the commencement of the project. It would have also fully owned and controlled the personalization process, with this personal information of the Nepalese passport holders strictly remaining secure with the Government of Nepal.

So much for accusations that India was going to plant "mini"-chips in the MRPs and steal data. More on the differences:

The proposed specifications of the passport in the new tender include paper based cover and inner pages instead of cotton fabric based cover and inner pages proposed by SPMCIL. The inferior quality of the material in the new tender will severely affect the shelf-life and durability of passport as well as the possibility of tearing of visa leaves. The damaged passports will, no doubt, constantly hassle the passport holders.

But over all this, the serious accusation of graft also has precedents (see also Linky):

Sources in the printing industry revealed Francois-Charles Oberthur Fiduciaire’s $34-million contract to supply passport-making equipment was scrapped by the Kenyan government in 2004 on questions over the increased cost (overpriced contract) and absence of bidding in the awarding of the contract.
...
Francois-Charles Oberthur Fiduciare had also figured in the embarrassing printing of 80 million P100 bills that misspelled President Arroyo’s surname to “Arrovo” in November 2005. The political opposition claimed the mistake was intentional, pointing out “rovo” in Spanish means robbery.

There is also a report of similar stuff from Albania:

The Commission invited five well known companies in the area of banknotes production, such as, “De la Rue”, England, “Giessecke Devrient”, Germany, “Osterrichische Banknoten”, Austria, “Oberthur”, France and “Tumba Bruk”, Sweden to submit their bids in a certain date. The invitation also contained a technical index describing the technical requirements for the banknotes. The Commission also had the right to accept additional proposals made by the companies as it judged fit for the safety of banknotes. Four companies took part in the tender and the commission found that all of them had complied with the conditions set by it. The Procurement Commission selected the French company as the winner of the tender as it had offered the lowest bid among the four companies in the tender.

About a month after the conclusion of the tender, the head of the Procurement Commission submitted to the defendant the decision of the Commission which had selected the French company as the winner of the tender alongside an explaining report of all the actions undertaken during the procedure. The decision and the report were signed by all the members of the Commission. However, another technical report was submitted to the defendant suggesting that the bank may negotiate with the winning bidder for any additional safety elements which may deem appropriate. The second report was not signed by the Head of the Commission and the lawyer of the bank, who was a member of the commission. In fact, the law did not require such a second technical report and never had there been a second report in all previous tenders held by the Bank.

Albanian Governor assigned the defendant in a group of five persons, to sign the contract with the French company that had won the tender. During the process of drafting the contract, the French side proposed to change one safety element for a single type of the banknotes. However, the new safety element would cost the Bank an additional of USD 583,550, 1/6 of the initial bid, above the bid offered by the company in the first place. This additional safety element was discussed during the tender procedures but was not accepted by the Procurement Commission. Finally, the defendant signed the contract with the French company accepting the new safety element which had in effect changed the bid initially offered by the company during the tender. Eventually, the bid accepted by the defendant was much higher than the one offered by the bidder and accepted by the Commission during the tender procedures. The court observed that the act of the defendant whereby he had unlawfully and with no authority increased the bid of the company had unjustly favoured the French company and discriminated other companies and breached the equality of the participants in the tender an offence provided under article 258 of the Code.

I am sure that if one digs more, there could be more details of corruption. But the following point deserves more attention than just overt corruption. Herald also adds:

In addition, it now emerges that the Indian company became the victim of a deliberate smear campaign. A section of Nepal's media alleged that the Indian company was going to use "micro chips" in the passports that would be used to track down the movements of the passport holders and would pose a grave threat to Nepal's national security. In reality, as per the agreement signed between the governments of India and Nepal in March, the passport deal would have seen the Indian company provide only the blank passport booklets, set up an office in Nepal and train a Nepali staff. It would then have been the Nepali officials who would have recorded personal data in the passport booklets and India would not have been privy to the confidential information.

Planted news in the media is not new, as we in India very-well know as the menace of paid news has become overground. This is what HT and NN reported after the Oberthur deal was struck.

The Indian Embassy has clarified that Oberthur Technologies, the French company that has been awarded the printing contract of Machine Readable Passports (MRPs) by Nepal government, is not linked with the manufacturing of e-passports for India. "Attention of the Embassy has been drawn towards certain media reports claiming that Oberthur Technologies 'has been short-listed for manufacturing e-passports for India', which is factually incorrect," the Embassy said in a press release Tuesday.

This about a company that claims that:

Oberthur's Fiduciary Division is the world's third largest private banknote producer, specialized in printing and personalisation of secure documents for government applications.

should explain the number of planted news items in the Nepali media. This is not the end of it all, either. On November 28, NN and Kantipur reported that:

Oberthur had to supply 400,000 copies of the passports, including 1,000 diplomatic, 15,000 special and 25,000 travel documents by November 5 as per the contract between the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MoFA) and Oberthur Technologies in August. The French company is liable to fines for failing to meet the deadline. However, MoFA is in a fix over the period for which to charge the firm.

However, only a few thousand copies of MRPs have arrived at the foreign ministry as of now. It's still not certain how soon the passports will arrive. The company has said, it has already completed printing the passport books and is in the process of shipping them. It has cited the labour strikes in France and the recent terror plot in the Middle East for the lack of a cargo plane to Nepal as the cause for delay in delivering the MRPs on time. Oberthur missed the 70-day deadline to deliver the first consignment by 12 days and the agreement does not clearly mention what should be done in such a case.

Finally, MoFA announced on December 3 that they have received 40,000 MRPs (far short of the 400,000 needed) and MRPs will be issued to the public from December 24. It is to be waited and seen if this imaginary deadline will actually be met. So what happens to the penalty clause that Oberthur pay a fine for not meeting the contractual stipulation. On p. 13 of the contract signed between MoFA and Oberthur, we have: "Liquidated damages for delay in performance is: 0.05% of the Contract price per day with maximum deduction not to exceed ten (10) percent of the Contract price." There is no further talk about penalties, such is the well-written contract between MoFA and Oberthur. Already there are indications that the ambiguity in the contract clause will be used to let Oberthur pay only a small fine:

It is said that the company is being protected on the pretext of confusing situation in the agreement. Neither the controversial agreement clearly mention that what should be done in such a case nor the officials paid their heed towards the delay, which is under suspicion, said the official preferring anonymity.

So let me summarize:
a) Foreign Secretary Madan Kumar Bhattarai and Indian Ambassador to Nepal Rakesh Sood had signed an agreement on March 24 to procure four million MRPs from the Nasik-based Security Printing and Minting Corporation of India for US$ 4 per passport. This is so that Nepal could finally meet its ICAO obligations. Since India has increased its domestic production, it can now meet international demands.
b) India is accused of bulldozing through the contract with planted news, fake attempts at spreading mis-information and through wilful propaganda.
c) The tender stipulations are changed to ensure that India cannot bid again. The tender is awarded to Oberthur while the other contestants claim that Oberthur has misrepresented information in the tender application. The winning tender costs less per passport that the Indian contract, but uses sub-standard security features and paper instead of cloth cover. Oberthur will also hold the personal information of the passport-seekers thereby putting their personal securities at a grave risk.
d) Questions are asked to the Nepali embassy in Korea and France about these allegations, but they never respond. Using the ambiguity clause, the tender is confirmed and the MoFA signs a contract with Oberthur.
e) It emerges that Oberthur has been involved in kickbacks and massive corruption in Kenya, Phillipines and Albania among other countries, so questions of graft in this case are not to be ignored.
f) The first batch of 400K MRPs expected to arrive by November 6th never arrive on time. Oberthur cites terror alert in Yemen, workers strike in France, etc., for these delays.
g) As the contract only makes a cursory statement about penalties for not meeting the contractual obligations, it is not clear that MoFA will use the "Force Majeure" clause to let Oberthur go scot-free.

I believe Shri. Rakesh Sood's position in this game was stacked up. There is not much point cribbing about what he did or did not do, when the games being played by others did not meet any sense of governmental or organizational propriety. Declaring a signed contract null and void and not paying damages to SPMCI (yes, SPMCI sent two letters seeking damages of US$ 48,000) does not augur well in this direction.
6) If you forgot I am still considering the Telegraph piece with a minor diversion into the MRP deal:

Shortly thereafter, Indian embassy officials were reported threatening Madhesi members of the Constituent Assembly with unpleasant consequences if they voted for Prachanda in several failed run-offs to replace Madhav Nepal, the lameduck Prime Minister.

Response: Why is the fact that Krishna Bahadur Mahara caught in a sting getting money from the Chinese not a part of the same equation? Why is the fact that Beijing sent a representative to the annual conference of the Madhesi Jana Adhikar Forum last year not an issue at hand? Why is open Chinese meddling a la the following ok?:

More embarrassing for the Nepali government was the pressure it was subjected to when President Ram Baran Yadav planned to visit a Buddhist monastery in Boudha last year to inaugurate the centenary celebrations of a Buddhist monk. Chinese officials in Kathmandu warned the government that the visit would be interpreted in Beijing as aiding and abetting anti-Chinese activities. President Yadav canceled his visit an hour before his scheduled arrival at Boudha. Boudha is home to a large number of Tibetan refugees.

Meanwhile, Nepal acquisces to China yet again, without a whimper of protestations: Linky

The caretaker government of Nepal, under mounting pressure both at home and the international community over its failure to demobilise the guerrilla army of the opposition Maoist party, has directed its ambassador to Norway and the US, Suresh Chalise, not to attend the Nobel Peace Prize ceremony in Oslo.
...
Nepal’s capitulation comes at a time when China is also pressing Kathmandu to sign two revised bilateral treaties. Besides a revised peace and friendship treaty that would replace the pact signed in 1960, Beijing is also asking Nepal to sign a new cultural cooperation agreement that will upgrade the earlier one inked in 1964 and revised in 1999.

It seems like if China threatens Nepal, it is ok, but if India does something in its interests, whether they be acts that are deplorable or otherwise, it is an act of terrible interventionism or neo-colonialism.

It is a FACT that Nepal and India share open borders, and India has a stake in what goes on inside Nepal for its own safety and security. Hijackings (such as the IC-814) have happened in the past despite Indian warnings that such incidents could happen, counterfeit money is still funneled into India from the open borders via ISI modules, China has set up 100s of safe-houses across the Indian border to monitor the goings and comings in India, terrorist groups often take umbrage across the porous borders, etc. In fact, Niranjan Hojai of DHD(J) and Anthony Shimray (a gun-runner for NSCN(IM)) were nabbed in Kathmandu by joint actions between the NIA and Nepal Police whereas Jewel Garlosa was nabbed in Bangalore after he was tracked all the way from Kathmandu. What to say of cross-border connections to Indian maoists and as a safe-ground for petty criminals. Nepalis even play an active role in the poll process in Bihar and some allegedly are even MPs. India bloody hell has a stake in Nepal. And that stake is not even comparable with that China holds in Nepal. In fact, India did not question Nepal much when the Khampa uprising was put down in 1974 at the behest of China. So why is it that Nepal has more issues when Indian interests are at stake? And what exactly is Sankarshan Thakur trying to stir in this whole bloody mess? For the sake of journalistic integrity, I hope that he declares his sources in the South Block.

Footnote 1: There seems to be a detente of sorts between the Indian establishment and the Nepali mainstream press, as a result of which critical articles on the Indian establishment seem to be taking a round-about route of sourcing from the Indian media. This seems to be a convenient alibi to overcome the Indian establishment's supposed issues with the running of such stories.

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